University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 32 3 2021 09 23 Investigating the social cleavage and the factors affecting it; Case study: Tehran Investigating the social cleavage and the factors affecting it; Case study: Tehran 1 26 25612 10.22108/jas.2021.125207.1991 FA Davood Parchami Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran Fatemeh Derakhshan PhD Candidate in Cultural Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2020 10 03 Introduction: Rapid cultural changes resulting from the transition from tradition to modernism, the cultural onslaught of the global capitalist system, the unequal distribution of resources, the transformation of social stratification and different lifestyles, and different socializations highlight the importance of social groupings. Groupings and members’ interactions with each other give them identity and intensify the feeling of separation from other groups and more belonging to their own group. Intensifying and organizing intra-group affiliations could provide the possibility of conflict and social violence. Social cleavage is a division between individuals, institutions, and social groups rooted in their interests, values, and positions. This rupture can lead to the formation of conflicting groups and social forces that give their members a collective identity. Empirical evidence and some reports indicate the emergence of various social cleavages in our society. The present study investigates the concept of social cleavage, its dimensions, and the factors affecting it. Materials and Methods: The research method was a survey and the data collection tool was a questionnaire. The respondents were 527 citizens aged 15 to 75 years in 22 districts of Tehran who were randomly selected by the stratified sampling method and interviewed. Analysis of the data was done using SPSS software. Appropriate statistics (central and dispersion indices, analysis of variance, F and T-tests, and correlation tests) were used and the generalizability of the results was also examined. The following methods were used to ensure the validity of the questions, indicators, and questionnaires: face validity and consultation with experts, internal correlation of index elements, factor analysis to control sample adequacy, and structural validity. To assess the reliability, Cronbach's alpha coefficient was used after distributing the preliminary and the final questionnaires. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: Social cleavage in this study was measured in three stages: differences in values, group identities due to differences in values, and preparedness for confrontation. This type of assessment is the most important difference between this study and previous studies in this field. The results show that cleavage in cultural values (difference between the values of religious and secular groups) with a variance of 0.616, an average of 2.07, and the involved population of 62% is the most severe type of cleavage. The research method states that the closer the variance is to 1, the greater the cleavage intensity and the greater the possibility of its activation. In the second stage of social cleavage, if value differences are perceived as identity, cleavage would enter the inactive phase. Group identification was examined in the form of five groups: class, political, cultural, ethnic, and religious. The strongest identification is in religious identity with an average of 2.38, followed by ethnic identity (2.34). Preparation for confrontation, which means activating social cleavage, is the last stage of social cleavage. The results show that, in general, the average collision readiness among the respondents is 1.95, which means that the average readiness for the confrontation of rival groups is too high. According to the types of theoretical categories, and the conditions and population of the research in this study, various types of class, political, cultural, religious, generational, and gender cleavage have been studied. The results show that the most severe type of cleavage is the political cleavage (i.e. the cleavage between reformists and fundamentalists), which has an average of 2.22, followed by the cultural cleavage between secular and religious with an average of 2.15. Also, based on the existing theoretical foundations, factors affecting social cleavage have been studied in the form of research hypotheses. These factors include social class, relative deprivation, social satisfaction, reference group, life expectancy, need, social bond, value priorities, and alignment of social institutions. Based on Inglehart, and Giddens and Bell’s theories, the conflict between modern and traditional values is the cause of social cleavage in semi-modern societies. The results show that among factors under study, the traditional and religious factors have a strong and indirect relationship (-0.736) with social cleavage. The results show that there is a relationship between the external reference group, the level of people’s satisfaction with life and life expectancy, and the degree of social cleavage. The rest of the theoretical hypotheses of this research, namely the relationship between social bonding, the performance of social institutions, relative deprivation, lack of need, and social class with a social cleavage with different intensities have been confirmed. In general, the theoretical factors under study explain 62% of the changes in social cleavage. Introduction: Rapid cultural changes resulting from the transition from tradition to modernism, the cultural onslaught of the global capitalist system, the unequal distribution of resources, the transformation of social stratification and different lifestyles, and different socializations highlight the importance of social groupings. Groupings and members’ interactions with each other give them identity and intensify the feeling of separation from other groups and more belonging to their own group. Intensifying and organizing intra-group affiliations could provide the possibility of conflict and social violence. Social cleavage is a division between individuals, institutions, and social groups rooted in their interests, values, and positions. This rupture can lead to the formation of conflicting groups and social forces that give their members a collective identity. Empirical evidence and some reports indicate the emergence of various social cleavages in our society. The present study investigates the concept of social cleavage, its dimensions, and the factors affecting it. Materials and Methods: The research method was a survey and the data collection tool was a questionnaire. The respondents were 527 citizens aged 15 to 75 years in 22 districts of Tehran who were randomly selected by the stratified sampling method and interviewed. Analysis of the data was done using SPSS software. Appropriate statistics (central and dispersion indices, analysis of variance, F and T-tests, and correlation tests) were used and the generalizability of the results was also examined. The following methods were used to ensure the validity of the questions, indicators, and questionnaires: face validity and consultation with experts, internal correlation of index elements, factor analysis to control sample adequacy, and structural validity. To assess the reliability, Cronbach's alpha coefficient was used after distributing the preliminary and the final questionnaires. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: Social cleavage in this study was measured in three stages: differences in values, group identities due to differences in values, and preparedness for confrontation. This type of assessment is the most important difference between this study and previous studies in this field. The results show that cleavage in cultural values (difference between the values of religious and secular groups) with a variance of 0.616, an average of 2.07, and the involved population of 62% is the most severe type of cleavage. The research method states that the closer the variance is to 1, the greater the cleavage intensity and the greater the possibility of its activation. In the second stage of social cleavage, if value differences are perceived as identity, cleavage would enter the inactive phase. Group identification was examined in the form of five groups: class, political, cultural, ethnic, and religious. The strongest identification is in religious identity with an average of 2.38, followed by ethnic identity (2.34). Preparation for confrontation, which means activating social cleavage, is the last stage of social cleavage. The results show that, in general, the average collision readiness among the respondents is 1.95, which means that the average readiness for the confrontation of rival groups is too high. According to the types of theoretical categories, and the conditions and population of the research in this study, various types of class, political, cultural, religious, generational, and gender cleavage have been studied. The results show that the most severe type of cleavage is the political cleavage (i.e. the cleavage between reformists and fundamentalists), which has an average of 2.22, followed by the cultural cleavage between secular and religious with an average of 2.15. Also, based on the existing theoretical foundations, factors affecting social cleavage have been studied in the form of research hypotheses. These factors include social class, relative deprivation, social satisfaction, reference group, life expectancy, need, social bond, value priorities, and alignment of social institutions. Based on Inglehart, and Giddens and Bell’s theories, the conflict between modern and traditional values is the cause of social cleavage in semi-modern societies. The results show that among factors under study, the traditional and religious factors have a strong and indirect relationship (-0.736) with social cleavage. The results show that there is a relationship between the external reference group, the level of people’s satisfaction with life and life expectancy, and the degree of social cleavage. The rest of the theoretical hypotheses of this research, namely the relationship between social bonding, the performance of social institutions, relative deprivation, lack of need, and social class with a social cleavage with different intensities have been confirmed. In general, the theoretical factors under study explain 62% of the changes in social cleavage.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_25612_1c2eb8f3e029f67dc1e54497b080ccac.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 32 3 2021 09 23 Exploring the Effects of Religiosity and Social Capital on the Political Satisfaction of the Citizens of Isfahan Exploring the Effects of Religiosity and Social Capital on the Political Satisfaction of the Citizens of Isfahan 27 54 25144 10.22108/jas.2020.121329.1863 FA Hajar Sadeghian PhD Candidate of Political Science, Department of Political Science, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Hossein Masoudnia Associate Professor , Department of Political Science, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Hamid Nassaj Assistant Professor , Department of Political Science, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Mahmoodreza Rahbargazi Assistant Professor Department of Political Science, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Journal Article 2020 02 01 Introduction: Political satisfaction is so important for political systems at the national and international levels that the spread of political dissatisfaction in a society can dismantle the foundations of that system’s legitimacy. Among the factors affecting citizens’ satisfaction as emphasized in various theories, including Robert Putnam’s theory of social capital, the theories of traditional and rational culturalists, and sociologists' theories about religion, is the extent to which the citizens benefit from social capital and religiosity. Extensive political satisfaction, especially if done in an organized manner, prevents indifference, monopoly, and political, social, and cultural alienation. It also reduces political conflicts and social inequality and strengthens national solidarity. Although political satisfaction is a qualitative and mental state at first glance, it is affected by a variety of demographic and socio-economic structures. What is important is to identify the decreasing and increasing factors and also the process of this influence on the citizens’ political satisfaction. Based on the above explanations, the present study aims to evaluate and scientifically explain political satisfaction as a dependent variable and explain the effect of religiosity and social capital as two components affecting the political satisfaction of the citizens of Isfahan province. Reviewing the theoretical and empirical literature, the main hypothesis in this study can be formulated as follows: religiosity affects the citizens’ political satisfaction through the mediating variable of social capital directly and indirectly. Materials and Methods: The present study employed an applied descriptive-analytical research method and survey research approach for testing the hypothesis. The unit of observation and analysis was individual citizens. The statistical population of the study consisted of Isfahan citizens 18 years of age or older. The statistical sample size was 340 among the citizens of Isfahan province. To test the reliability of the research instrument and the generalizability of the results of the sample, 5% was added to the statistical sample and a sample of 395 people was considered. The present study used a cluster random sampling method for selecting the participants. Regarding the indirect effect of religiosity on political satisfaction through the baseline variables of social capital, the method of Preacher and Hayes (2008) was used. Accordingly, the coefficient of determination of the research model was 0.32. Also, the value of F 46.70 and the significance level of 0.00 showed that the research model has a favorable explanatory capability. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: Descriptive statistics showed that 180 participants were men and 215 were women, which made the sample more random. Among the selected participants, 203 of them were single and 192 were married. In the field of education, about 46.3% of the participants were at the undergraduate level and the average age of the respondents was 24.5 years. In terms of employment status, 224 (56.7%) of them were government officials. Therefore, the indicator in this variable was the job status. In the income ranking, income levels below 3 million Tomans per month had the highest frequency (44%) and income levels above 10 million Tomans per month had the lowest frequency (2.5%) among respondents. According to the research experimental findings, the citizens’ level of political satisfaction was at an average level (65.81%), lower than the expected average. Political satisfaction was measured at the three levels of political agents, political institutions, and rules and procedures of the system. In all three cases, the results were lower than the average. The average of political satisfaction in terms of rules and procedures (40.50%) was relatively higher than the other two dimensions, namely political activists (12.28%) and political institutions (13.03%). Also, based on the findings, social capital had a significant relationship with political satisfaction. In other words, with the increase of social capital among citizens, their level of political satisfaction also increased. The results of the study also showed that the variable of social capital in the two dimensions of social trust and social participation had a direct and significant relationship with political satisfaction as a general structure. As the findings indicated, religiosity also had a significant relationship with political satisfaction. This means that with increasing religiosity among citizens, their level of political satisfaction also increased. In addition, the variable of religiosity had a direct and significant relationship with political satisfaction as a general structure. The ritual and emotional dimensions of religiosity increased political satisfaction among the citizens, which can be the reason for the effect of the citizens’ presence in Muharram ceremonies, mourning delegations, and mass ceremonies such as Friday prayers, congregational prayers, etc. It seems that not only a religious government but also the participatory content of Islam and its teachings based on emphasizing people's participation in social and political activities and condemning indifference in social and political issues related to society and government were effective in this regard. Introduction: Political satisfaction is so important for political systems at the national and international levels that the spread of political dissatisfaction in a society can dismantle the foundations of that system’s legitimacy. Among the factors affecting citizens’ satisfaction as emphasized in various theories, including Robert Putnam’s theory of social capital, the theories of traditional and rational culturalists, and sociologists' theories about religion, is the extent to which the citizens benefit from social capital and religiosity. Extensive political satisfaction, especially if done in an organized manner, prevents indifference, monopoly, and political, social, and cultural alienation. It also reduces political conflicts and social inequality and strengthens national solidarity. Although political satisfaction is a qualitative and mental state at first glance, it is affected by a variety of demographic and socio-economic structures. What is important is to identify the decreasing and increasing factors and also the process of this influence on the citizens’ political satisfaction. Based on the above explanations, the present study aims to evaluate and scientifically explain political satisfaction as a dependent variable and explain the effect of religiosity and social capital as two components affecting the political satisfaction of the citizens of Isfahan province. Reviewing the theoretical and empirical literature, the main hypothesis in this study can be formulated as follows: religiosity affects the citizens’ political satisfaction through the mediating variable of social capital directly and indirectly. Materials and Methods: The present study employed an applied descriptive-analytical research method and survey research approach for testing the hypothesis. The unit of observation and analysis was individual citizens. The statistical population of the study consisted of Isfahan citizens 18 years of age or older. The statistical sample size was 340 among the citizens of Isfahan province. To test the reliability of the research instrument and the generalizability of the results of the sample, 5% was added to the statistical sample and a sample of 395 people was considered. The present study used a cluster random sampling method for selecting the participants. Regarding the indirect effect of religiosity on political satisfaction through the baseline variables of social capital, the method of Preacher and Hayes (2008) was used. Accordingly, the coefficient of determination of the research model was 0.32. Also, the value of F 46.70 and the significance level of 0.00 showed that the research model has a favorable explanatory capability. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: Descriptive statistics showed that 180 participants were men and 215 were women, which made the sample more random. Among the selected participants, 203 of them were single and 192 were married. In the field of education, about 46.3% of the participants were at the undergraduate level and the average age of the respondents was 24.5 years. In terms of employment status, 224 (56.7%) of them were government officials. Therefore, the indicator in this variable was the job status. In the income ranking, income levels below 3 million Tomans per month had the highest frequency (44%) and income levels above 10 million Tomans per month had the lowest frequency (2.5%) among respondents. According to the research experimental findings, the citizens’ level of political satisfaction was at an average level (65.81%), lower than the expected average. Political satisfaction was measured at the three levels of political agents, political institutions, and rules and procedures of the system. In all three cases, the results were lower than the average. The average of political satisfaction in terms of rules and procedures (40.50%) was relatively higher than the other two dimensions, namely political activists (12.28%) and political institutions (13.03%). Also, based on the findings, social capital had a significant relationship with political satisfaction. In other words, with the increase of social capital among citizens, their level of political satisfaction also increased. The results of the study also showed that the variable of social capital in the two dimensions of social trust and social participation had a direct and significant relationship with political satisfaction as a general structure. As the findings indicated, religiosity also had a significant relationship with political satisfaction. This means that with increasing religiosity among citizens, their level of political satisfaction also increased. In addition, the variable of religiosity had a direct and significant relationship with political satisfaction as a general structure. The ritual and emotional dimensions of religiosity increased political satisfaction among the citizens, which can be the reason for the effect of the citizens’ presence in Muharram ceremonies, mourning delegations, and mass ceremonies such as Friday prayers, congregational prayers, etc. It seems that not only a religious government but also the participatory content of Islam and its teachings based on emphasizing people's participation in social and political activities and condemning indifference in social and political issues related to society and government were effective in this regard.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_25144_26c8b7b11e627fab525cef57479475b5.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 32 3 2021 09 23 Modern Mentality, Domination, and the Unequal Field of Knowledge, Resources, and Talent: Challenges of the Formation of Medical Humanities in Iran Modern Mentality, Domination, and the Unequal Field of Knowledge, Resources, and Talent: Challenges of the Formation of Medical Humanities in Iran 55 76 25508 10.22108/jas.2021.124480.1961 FA Ahmad Kalateh Sadati Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Yazd University, Yazd, Iran Kamran Bagheri Lankarani Professor of Health Policy Research Center, Health Research Institute, Shiraz University of Medical Sciences, Shiraz, Iran 0000-0002-7524-9017 Zahra Falakodin PhD Candidate of Sociology, Department of Sociology, Yazd University, Yazd, Iran 0000-0003-1183-2585 Journal Article 2020 08 17 Introduction: Medicine is closely related to the humanities, and as Foucault points out, medicine has been the basis for the development of the modern humanities. Despite this, there is practically no connection between the humanities and biomedicine. Due to its necessity, medical humanities is a scientific discourse that has been discussed and researched in the last five decades. The formation and development of medical humanities is an important epistemological challenge in the world. It is also one of the essential subjects in the interdisciplinary field of science. The importance of the subject is mostly related to medicine itself and its role and place in the human life. That is why it can be said that the field of medical humanities is an important part of medical education. Given the role and importance of medical humanities in promoting health services and their effectiveness, there is a need for research in this area. There is a gap of knowledge in this domain in Iran. Therefore, the aim of the present study is to explore the challenges and obstacles to the formation of medical humanities in Iran. Materials and Methods: This is a national wide qualitative study that was conducted in 2020 in Iran. Twenty-four faculty members of humanities departments who have relevant works with health were included in this study. Data were collected with semi-structured interviews (22 participants) and open-ended questions with two participants. Data analysis was performed by the thematic analysis method. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: From the participants’ point of view, there are important challenges facing the formation of medical humanities in Iran. The most important challenge is modern medicine as a hegemonic field of knowledge. The social field of science and related social capital is at the disposal of biomedicine. This is a serious obstacle to the formation of the medical humanities. In addition, other reasons were explored as challenges. Generally, four themes were explored: 1) modern mentality; 2) politics, society, and organization; 3) biomedical domination; and 4) inefficiency of the humanities in Iran. The modern mentality is related to epistemological dualism and one-dimensional science. The phrase ‘politics, society, and organization’ is related to scientific laws and regulations in the country that do not recognize interdisciplinary sciences and do not provide the space for such issues. Although the epistemological and institutional dominance of biomedicine, which focuses on the medical institution, is a major challenge, the weakness and inefficiency of the humanities is also another main challenge. The humanities departments generally do not have the high confidence to enter the medical field, and many of such departments are alien to the health sciences. Under the dominance of biomedicine unequal distribution of knowledge, resources and talents were formed in Iran. The political economy of biomedicine attracts all resources and talents. In addition, the structures of the scientific bureaucracy have prevented the formation of the medical humanities. In this law and regulation bureaucracy, no attention has been paid to the interdisciplinary approach of sciences, especially medical sciences. Therefore, different fields of science in Iran are operating as separate islands. This includes the humanities and medical sciences. Based on the findings of the present study, strengthening the role and function of the humanities as well as modifying the domination of biomedicine are suggested. The field of humanities needs more connection to the medical sciences. Also, different fields of science in Iran need specific legal tools to support interdisciplinary sciences, and in particular, medical humanities. It is necessary to pay attention to humanism and constructivism in the field of policy-making and theory. Finally, the field of medical humanities is one of the necessities of medical sciences in Iran that needs serious attention. Introduction: Medicine is closely related to the humanities, and as Foucault points out, medicine has been the basis for the development of the modern humanities. Despite this, there is practically no connection between the humanities and biomedicine. Due to its necessity, medical humanities is a scientific discourse that has been discussed and researched in the last five decades. The formation and development of medical humanities is an important epistemological challenge in the world. It is also one of the essential subjects in the interdisciplinary field of science. The importance of the subject is mostly related to medicine itself and its role and place in the human life. That is why it can be said that the field of medical humanities is an important part of medical education. Given the role and importance of medical humanities in promoting health services and their effectiveness, there is a need for research in this area. There is a gap of knowledge in this domain in Iran. Therefore, the aim of the present study is to explore the challenges and obstacles to the formation of medical humanities in Iran. Materials and Methods: This is a national wide qualitative study that was conducted in 2020 in Iran. Twenty-four faculty members of humanities departments who have relevant works with health were included in this study. Data were collected with semi-structured interviews (22 participants) and open-ended questions with two participants. Data analysis was performed by the thematic analysis method. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: From the participants’ point of view, there are important challenges facing the formation of medical humanities in Iran. The most important challenge is modern medicine as a hegemonic field of knowledge. The social field of science and related social capital is at the disposal of biomedicine. This is a serious obstacle to the formation of the medical humanities. In addition, other reasons were explored as challenges. Generally, four themes were explored: 1) modern mentality; 2) politics, society, and organization; 3) biomedical domination; and 4) inefficiency of the humanities in Iran. The modern mentality is related to epistemological dualism and one-dimensional science. The phrase ‘politics, society, and organization’ is related to scientific laws and regulations in the country that do not recognize interdisciplinary sciences and do not provide the space for such issues. Although the epistemological and institutional dominance of biomedicine, which focuses on the medical institution, is a major challenge, the weakness and inefficiency of the humanities is also another main challenge. The humanities departments generally do not have the high confidence to enter the medical field, and many of such departments are alien to the health sciences. Under the dominance of biomedicine unequal distribution of knowledge, resources and talents were formed in Iran. The political economy of biomedicine attracts all resources and talents. In addition, the structures of the scientific bureaucracy have prevented the formation of the medical humanities. In this law and regulation bureaucracy, no attention has been paid to the interdisciplinary approach of sciences, especially medical sciences. Therefore, different fields of science in Iran are operating as separate islands. This includes the humanities and medical sciences. Based on the findings of the present study, strengthening the role and function of the humanities as well as modifying the domination of biomedicine are suggested. The field of humanities needs more connection to the medical sciences. Also, different fields of science in Iran need specific legal tools to support interdisciplinary sciences, and in particular, medical humanities. It is necessary to pay attention to humanism and constructivism in the field of policy-making and theory. Finally, the field of medical humanities is one of the necessities of medical sciences in Iran that needs serious attention.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_25508_762ee09688e9574661883fbf3e787c94.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 32 3 2021 09 23 The Emergence of Social Malingering in Everyday life: Interaction among Employees and Clients in Complex No. 10 of Dispute Resolution Council Center in Tehran The Emergence of Social Malingering in Everyday life: Interaction among Employees and Clients in Complex No. 10 of Dispute Resolution Council Center in Tehran 77 100 25542 10.22108/jas.2021.126253.2030 FA Amir Esamalaki PhD Candidate in Sociology of Social Problems in Iran, Department of Social Sciences, University of Yasouj, Yasouj, Iran Seyed Samad Beheshty Assistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, University of Yasouj, Yasouj, Iran Arman Heidari Assistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, University of Yasouj, Yasouj, Iran Journal Article 2020 12 13 Introduction The starting point of this study is to focus on social malingering, which bears up the avoidance of performing legal and moral duties pretexted as unjustified external factors. The main question iswhy and how this social action appears in social interactions and daily life. In Iran, various political and social groups do not take responsibility for their behaviors; instead, they blame others for their shortcomings and anomalies. Many intellectuals have turned their backs on politics and do not pay attention to people's lives. Also in social interactions and daily life, drivers may not take responsibility for their driving violations and carelessness; similarly nurses and physicians consider low facilities, inadequate salaries, and benefits and similar factors as the main cause of their shortcomings. It is often heard that the lack of competency of authorities is the only cause of social problems and issues. The aforementioned instances could form malingering that has a social dimension. According to experts, malingering is not an individual problem; rather, it stems from major cultural and psychological problems in a society. In this way, the majority of psychiatric and psychological researches on malingering seek to diagnose and treat it from a psychological point of view. Using the concept of social malingering in the sociological context, this study seeks to analyze the contexts of formation and emergence of the avoidance of performing legal and moral duties pretexted as external unjustified factors in social interactions and daily life. Five research questions are formed in this study: 1) What are contextual conditions in the occurrence of social malingering?; 2) What are intervening conditions in the occurrence of social malingering?; 3) Under what causal conditions does social malingering appear in social interactions and daily life?; 4) What do malingerers think about their performance?; and 5) What strategies do people use for social malingering, and what are the strategies for dealing with them in social interactions and daily life? Materials and Methods In this study, following the semantic inference and conceptualization of the phenomenon of social malingering and the sociological analysis of the contexts of its formation in social interactions and everyday life, we intend to pursue social malingering, based on the classic grounded theory method (GTM) scheme, the classic model of Glaser, in the emerging design to the GTM. In this way, social malingering and its strategies have been observed in various ways in the practical and daily life of the employees and clients in complex No. 10 of the Dispute Resolution Council Center in Tehran, Iran. That is, we concentrated on places, people, and events that maximize our understanding of social malingering in that field and enrich its categories in terms of features and dimensions. For this purpose, 36 people were selected by means of theoretical sampling for depth interview runs. The data obtained from interviews were analyzed and categorized using the two-step coding process in the classic GTM scheme. In the data coding process and its categorizing, we used MAXQDA software Discussion of Results and Conclusions This study identified the ‘survival strategies in conditions of social anomy’ as a core category. Thus, social malingering in the fluctuations among disintegration and social dependency could be seen as a strategy for survival in conditions of social anomy; circumstances in which the reduction of social capital, on the one hand, and the existence of many motives for revenge on the other, lead individuals to shirk responsibility and shirk their legal and moral duties. At the same time, the social dependence arising from the attachment of a need or necessity causes the pretension, justification, and reasoning, and the reference to external factors as an excuse for non-fulfillment of obligations and lack of conscientiousness. Introduction The starting point of this study is to focus on social malingering, which bears up the avoidance of performing legal and moral duties pretexted as unjustified external factors. The main question iswhy and how this social action appears in social interactions and daily life. In Iran, various political and social groups do not take responsibility for their behaviors; instead, they blame others for their shortcomings and anomalies. Many intellectuals have turned their backs on politics and do not pay attention to people's lives. Also in social interactions and daily life, drivers may not take responsibility for their driving violations and carelessness; similarly nurses and physicians consider low facilities, inadequate salaries, and benefits and similar factors as the main cause of their shortcomings. It is often heard that the lack of competency of authorities is the only cause of social problems and issues. The aforementioned instances could form malingering that has a social dimension. According to experts, malingering is not an individual problem; rather, it stems from major cultural and psychological problems in a society. In this way, the majority of psychiatric and psychological researches on malingering seek to diagnose and treat it from a psychological point of view. Using the concept of social malingering in the sociological context, this study seeks to analyze the contexts of formation and emergence of the avoidance of performing legal and moral duties pretexted as external unjustified factors in social interactions and daily life. Five research questions are formed in this study: 1) What are contextual conditions in the occurrence of social malingering?; 2) What are intervening conditions in the occurrence of social malingering?; 3) Under what causal conditions does social malingering appear in social interactions and daily life?; 4) What do malingerers think about their performance?; and 5) What strategies do people use for social malingering, and what are the strategies for dealing with them in social interactions and daily life? Materials and Methods In this study, following the semantic inference and conceptualization of the phenomenon of social malingering and the sociological analysis of the contexts of its formation in social interactions and everyday life, we intend to pursue social malingering, based on the classic grounded theory method (GTM) scheme, the classic model of Glaser, in the emerging design to the GTM. In this way, social malingering and its strategies have been observed in various ways in the practical and daily life of the employees and clients in complex No. 10 of the Dispute Resolution Council Center in Tehran, Iran. That is, we concentrated on places, people, and events that maximize our understanding of social malingering in that field and enrich its categories in terms of features and dimensions. For this purpose, 36 people were selected by means of theoretical sampling for depth interview runs. The data obtained from interviews were analyzed and categorized using the two-step coding process in the classic GTM scheme. In the data coding process and its categorizing, we used MAXQDA software Discussion of Results and Conclusions This study identified the ‘survival strategies in conditions of social anomy’ as a core category. Thus, social malingering in the fluctuations among disintegration and social dependency could be seen as a strategy for survival in conditions of social anomy; circumstances in which the reduction of social capital, on the one hand, and the existence of many motives for revenge on the other, lead individuals to shirk responsibility and shirk their legal and moral duties. At the same time, the social dependence arising from the attachment of a need or necessity causes the pretension, justification, and reasoning, and the reference to external factors as an excuse for non-fulfillment of obligations and lack of conscientiousness.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_25542_c80e6d724ef5970489ee10e5fa822a15.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 32 3 2021 09 23 Social Capital and Suicide in Iranian Provinces Social Capital and Suicide in Iranian Provinces 101 134 25509 10.22108/jas.2021.121462.1868 FA Abrahim Saehabadi Assistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Payame Noor University, Iran Journal Article 2020 02 04 Introduction: Social capital is a complex and multifaceted structure or concept. Although it has become a pervasive subject in sociological texts; however, few studies have been conducted on its validity and explanatory value in the field of suicide. In the present study, the author tries to critically review the available resources, while presenting the results of researchers’ finding and their critique and to show the relationship between social capital and suicide in the provinces of Iran. In most studies, researchers have hypothesized that the relationship between social capital and suicide is positive, and in practice, they have found that with increasing and decreasing social capital, the rate of suicide fluctuates. However, there is no consensus on the impact of social capital on suicide in Iran. Some researchers have used suicide as an indicator to measure social capital and define the relationship between suicide and social capital (regardless of the causal relationship) to establish a structural relationship between these two concepts (Bastani et al., 2014; Mohammadian et al., 2016). The structural relationship between suicide and social capital emphasizes that the two concepts are strongly interdependent at the theoretical level, and the researcher does not need to distinguish between the two. Despite such a hypothetical link between the two concepts, some argue that social capital has conflicting effects on suicide. Given the above explanations, the lack of consensus on the type of the relationship between suicide and social capital, and the reverse effect of social capital on suicide, the following research question was posed in this study: What are the effects of social capital on the rate of suicide in Iranian provinces? Materials and Methods: The present study tries to explain the rate of suicide based on social capital from the perspective of relational, interpretive, and causal explanations. This comparative research compares the social units (the provinces) of the research. The statistical population includes all documentary data in at least 28 provinces of Iran. It is worth mentioning that there is no specific method for measuring the reliability and validity of social capital; however, the findings extracted and derived from statistical data are more dependable than the data gathered through the surveys and attitudes. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: The results of the study showed that social capital had no effect on the suicide rate and its components had different relationships with the suicide rate. Social participation based on family outcomes affected and reduced the suicide rate. However, at the survey level, severing ties with relatives reduced the suicide rate (a finding different from the statistical data). The political or civic participation presented in this study in the form of electoral participation also had a reducing effect on the suicide rate. But, at the level of triangulation, this effect was different and increased suicide. Security as another component of suicide had a reducing effect on suicide and decreased with increasing the security of suicide. The extent of the conflict, which was measured statistically, had an inverse relationship with the rate of suicide and with increasing the level of conflict in the provinces of Iran. Some components of social capital collected at the survey and attitude levels had an unreasonable relationship with the suicide rate. The components include: 1) desire to live abroad, 2) obtaining citizenship of other countries, 3) the degree of honor of Iran's foreign policy, 4) national identity (the composite structure), and 5) the extent of participation in the war by oneself and other people. If we want to draw the personality of the suicidal person based on the achievements of this research considering the independent variables, we can consider the suicidal person as a person who: Has little social participation. He may have limited contact with relatives; Cannot divorce or divorce his partner and cannot run away from his family; Participates less in the elections. If he/she participates in elections, he/she casts a blank ballot; Has self-doubt; Trusts individuals and the system; Is honest or at least is not a liar; Does not feel safe; Does not have enough energy for conflict; Does not want to live abroad. Introduction: Social capital is a complex and multifaceted structure or concept. Although it has become a pervasive subject in sociological texts; however, few studies have been conducted on its validity and explanatory value in the field of suicide. In the present study, the author tries to critically review the available resources, while presenting the results of researchers’ finding and their critique and to show the relationship between social capital and suicide in the provinces of Iran. In most studies, researchers have hypothesized that the relationship between social capital and suicide is positive, and in practice, they have found that with increasing and decreasing social capital, the rate of suicide fluctuates. However, there is no consensus on the impact of social capital on suicide in Iran. Some researchers have used suicide as an indicator to measure social capital and define the relationship between suicide and social capital (regardless of the causal relationship) to establish a structural relationship between these two concepts (Bastani et al., 2014; Mohammadian et al., 2016). The structural relationship between suicide and social capital emphasizes that the two concepts are strongly interdependent at the theoretical level, and the researcher does not need to distinguish between the two. Despite such a hypothetical link between the two concepts, some argue that social capital has conflicting effects on suicide. Given the above explanations, the lack of consensus on the type of the relationship between suicide and social capital, and the reverse effect of social capital on suicide, the following research question was posed in this study: What are the effects of social capital on the rate of suicide in Iranian provinces? Materials and Methods: The present study tries to explain the rate of suicide based on social capital from the perspective of relational, interpretive, and causal explanations. This comparative research compares the social units (the provinces) of the research. The statistical population includes all documentary data in at least 28 provinces of Iran. It is worth mentioning that there is no specific method for measuring the reliability and validity of social capital; however, the findings extracted and derived from statistical data are more dependable than the data gathered through the surveys and attitudes. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: The results of the study showed that social capital had no effect on the suicide rate and its components had different relationships with the suicide rate. Social participation based on family outcomes affected and reduced the suicide rate. However, at the survey level, severing ties with relatives reduced the suicide rate (a finding different from the statistical data). The political or civic participation presented in this study in the form of electoral participation also had a reducing effect on the suicide rate. But, at the level of triangulation, this effect was different and increased suicide. Security as another component of suicide had a reducing effect on suicide and decreased with increasing the security of suicide. The extent of the conflict, which was measured statistically, had an inverse relationship with the rate of suicide and with increasing the level of conflict in the provinces of Iran. Some components of social capital collected at the survey and attitude levels had an unreasonable relationship with the suicide rate. The components include: 1) desire to live abroad, 2) obtaining citizenship of other countries, 3) the degree of honor of Iran's foreign policy, 4) national identity (the composite structure), and 5) the extent of participation in the war by oneself and other people. If we want to draw the personality of the suicidal person based on the achievements of this research considering the independent variables, we can consider the suicidal person as a person who: Has little social participation. He may have limited contact with relatives; Cannot divorce or divorce his partner and cannot run away from his family; Participates less in the elections. If he/she participates in elections, he/she casts a blank ballot; Has self-doubt; Trusts individuals and the system; Is honest or at least is not a liar; Does not feel safe; Does not have enough energy for conflict; Does not want to live abroad.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_25509_505436ce59f3efe8332a590653cd751c.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 32 3 2021 09 23 Investigating the Behavior of Farmers in the Face of Water Scarcity Investigating the Behavior of Farmers in the Face of Water Scarcity 135 154 25591 10.22108/jas.2021.113630.1526 FA Sedigheh Pakmehr MA. Agricultural Sciences and Natural Resources, University of Khuzestan, Mollasani, Ahwaz, Iran Masoud Yazdanpanah Associate Professor, Agricultural Sciences and Natural Resources, University of Khuzestan, Mollasani, Ahwaz, Iran Masoud Baradaran Associate Professor, Agricultural Sciences and Natural Resources, University of Khuzestan, Mollasani, Ahwaz, Iran Journal Article 2018 11 04 Introduction: Climate change is a certain, irrefutable, undisputed, clear, unequivocal, and imminent reality, and potentially a serious threat and challenge to the agricultural sector. It has become clear that the earth’s climate has changed in a manner that has induced many negative impacts on its human and non-human residents. In fact, it has been confirmed that climate change, directly and indirectly, influences all aspects of life worldwide. Scientific evidence suggests that projected climate change will significantly impact the hydrological cycle, water balance, and runoff characteristics. This will, in turn, cause water scarcity and insecurity. Agriculture and water resources are vulnerable to global climate change. Climate change impacts the water sector in a manner that reduces the harvest and income of farmers, thereby exacerbating poverty and many other social problems. Therefore, the influence of climate variability on water resources raises major international concern, as it may cause severe stress on whole societies, particularly farmers, due to the huge negative impacts on agricultural production. Agricultural and farming practices should, therefore, adapt to the changing environment in order to avoid or alleviate related risks. Consequently, understanding adaptation to climate change has become a major concern for farmers to facilitate adaptation actions and assist them in improving their adaptive capacity. The aim of the present study was to investigate farmers’ adaptation behaviors in facing water scarcity. This research ideally provides a first knowledge base for the development of public policy measures aiming to increase climate change adaptation measures among Iranian farmers. Materials and Methods: The aim of the present study was to investigate farmers’ adaptation behaviors in facing water scarcity using the protection motivation theory and cognitive theory of the stress model. A quantitative cross-sectional survey was designed to investigate farmers’ adaptation responses to water shortage. The statistical population was farmers of Shoushtar County in Khuzestan province. The sample size was determined and selected using the Bartlett table (n=251) and Random sampling. The data were collected through a nationwide self-administered questionnaire. To measure the variables, statements that closely followed the measurement of these constructs in prior studies were used. In designing the questionnaire, a 5-point Likert scale for all the variables was used to reduce the statistical problem of extreme skewness. The face validity of the questionnaire was confirmed by a panel of experts. The questionnaire’s internal reliability was investigated using the Cronbach’s alpha coefficient. All scales indicated a good-to-excellent reliability index (0.6–0.88). To analyze the data, SPSS20 and AMOS20 were used. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: To investigate the causal relationship between research variables, structural equation modeling was used using Amos20 software to analyze the factors affecting adaptation behavior. The results of structural equation modeling analysis revealed that in protection motivation theory, the response efficacy, collective efficacy, and response cost regarding climate change were significant predictors of adaptation behavior. Protection motivation theory can explain approximately 33%, of the variance in pro-environmental behavior. The results of cognitive theory of stress analysis showed that demand appraisal, self-efficacy, and collective efficacy had direct effects on problem-focused coping, and coping had direct effects on adaptation. The explanatory power of this model explained 28% of the variance in adaptation behavior. Moreover, the results of the study revealed that demand appraisal, self-efficacy, and collective efficacy had an indirect and significant relationship with adaptation. The results of this study could be useful for decision-makers and researchers in other countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region as well as in dryland regions facing drought hazards. Introduction: Climate change is a certain, irrefutable, undisputed, clear, unequivocal, and imminent reality, and potentially a serious threat and challenge to the agricultural sector. It has become clear that the earth’s climate has changed in a manner that has induced many negative impacts on its human and non-human residents. In fact, it has been confirmed that climate change, directly and indirectly, influences all aspects of life worldwide. Scientific evidence suggests that projected climate change will significantly impact the hydrological cycle, water balance, and runoff characteristics. This will, in turn, cause water scarcity and insecurity. Agriculture and water resources are vulnerable to global climate change. Climate change impacts the water sector in a manner that reduces the harvest and income of farmers, thereby exacerbating poverty and many other social problems. Therefore, the influence of climate variability on water resources raises major international concern, as it may cause severe stress on whole societies, particularly farmers, due to the huge negative impacts on agricultural production. Agricultural and farming practices should, therefore, adapt to the changing environment in order to avoid or alleviate related risks. Consequently, understanding adaptation to climate change has become a major concern for farmers to facilitate adaptation actions and assist them in improving their adaptive capacity. The aim of the present study was to investigate farmers’ adaptation behaviors in facing water scarcity. This research ideally provides a first knowledge base for the development of public policy measures aiming to increase climate change adaptation measures among Iranian farmers. Materials and Methods: The aim of the present study was to investigate farmers’ adaptation behaviors in facing water scarcity using the protection motivation theory and cognitive theory of the stress model. A quantitative cross-sectional survey was designed to investigate farmers’ adaptation responses to water shortage. The statistical population was farmers of Shoushtar County in Khuzestan province. The sample size was determined and selected using the Bartlett table (n=251) and Random sampling. The data were collected through a nationwide self-administered questionnaire. To measure the variables, statements that closely followed the measurement of these constructs in prior studies were used. In designing the questionnaire, a 5-point Likert scale for all the variables was used to reduce the statistical problem of extreme skewness. The face validity of the questionnaire was confirmed by a panel of experts. The questionnaire’s internal reliability was investigated using the Cronbach’s alpha coefficient. All scales indicated a good-to-excellent reliability index (0.6–0.88). To analyze the data, SPSS20 and AMOS20 were used. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: To investigate the causal relationship between research variables, structural equation modeling was used using Amos20 software to analyze the factors affecting adaptation behavior. The results of structural equation modeling analysis revealed that in protection motivation theory, the response efficacy, collective efficacy, and response cost regarding climate change were significant predictors of adaptation behavior. Protection motivation theory can explain approximately 33%, of the variance in pro-environmental behavior. The results of cognitive theory of stress analysis showed that demand appraisal, self-efficacy, and collective efficacy had direct effects on problem-focused coping, and coping had direct effects on adaptation. The explanatory power of this model explained 28% of the variance in adaptation behavior. Moreover, the results of the study revealed that demand appraisal, self-efficacy, and collective efficacy had an indirect and significant relationship with adaptation. The results of this study could be useful for decision-makers and researchers in other countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region as well as in dryland regions facing drought hazards.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_25591_2b84d35eaf43380958d8aa842d7ff5cc.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 32 3 2021 09 23 Rational Choice, Political Action, and Media: A Study of the Relationship between Political Costs and Students’ Online and Offline Political Participation Rational Choice, Political Action, and Media: A Study of the Relationship between Political Costs and Students’ Online and Offline Political Participation 155 176 25548 10.22108/jas.2021.125610.2003 FA Mohammad Taghi Abbasi Shavazi Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology / Faculty of Economics, Management and Social Sciences, Shiraz University Sadegh Panahinasab Student ph:d political sociology shiraz university Dorna Esmaeilkhani Graduated from Shiraz University with a master's degree in sociology Journal Article 2020 11 10 Introduction: The latest emerging communication technologies such as the Internet and online social networks have drastically shaped individual’s participation. Now, with the spread of new technologies (social networks), people can pursue some of their political interests and activities in the online interactive space. Therefore, understanding the political participation of individuals in society without considering its online dimensions would not be enough. In a world where the spatialization of online (offline-offline) is increasing day by day, political participation is not limited to one dimension (i.e. participation in offline (real) space). Another dimension called online political participation (political participation in cyberspace) is also provided for political participation. The prominent role of social networks like Facebook, Twitter, and Telegram in the evolution of political systems shows this crucial point. Taking into account the ‘dual speciation of the social world’ and the rational choice approach, the present study tried to examine the relationship between political costs (perceived and received) with students’ political participation in both online and offline spaces. Materials and Methods: In this survey study, the data collection tool was a questionnaire with mostly closed questions organized in several sections. The first part was demographic characteristics; the second part was online and offline political participation; and the third part was about measuring political expenses. The formal validity was used to ensure the validity of the questionnaire and Cronbach's alpha coefficient was used to ensure the reliability.. The reliability results of the questionnaire spectra with Cronbach's alpha coefficient were acceptable as follows: the online political participation with the coefficient of 79%, offline political participation with the coefficient of 72%, perceived virtual political cost with the coefficient of 93%, and the virtual and real paid costs with the coefficient of 84%. The statistical population in this study was all 20000 students in Shiraz University in different stages. Using Cochran's formula, the sample size was 390 for this study. The stratified random sampling method with proportional quota was used in this regard. In this method, the statistical population was divided into different classes based on faculty, field, gender, and educational levels. From each class, in proportion to the quota of that class, the participants were randomly selected from the sample size and completed the questionnaire voluntarily.. To analyze the data, SPSS software at both descriptive and inferential levels and Amos software were used. The present study seeks to answer three questions: 1) Is online space a less expensive area for participation? 2) Do groups whose participation and activities are thought to be costly or paid more in real space have more political participation in cyberspace?; 3) Can the rational choice approach provide a good explanation for individuals' online and offline political participation? Discussion of Results and Conclusions: The present study investigated the relationship between political costs and political participation in both online and offline spaces based on the rational choice approach. Political participation encompasses various levels in the political system, ranging from non-conflict to holding political office. The rational choice approach denotes that the way people look at political participation, like other people's actions in life, is in terms of profit and loss, that is, people with a kind of rational and computational view based on light and cost-benefit decisions decide to participate or not. In general, in the discussion of political participation, individuals can be divided into two categories: those who do not engage in participation and who remotely watch the activities and political behaviors of other people, and those who engage in political participation and look at the cost-benefit perspective at different levels of political participation. People in the first group seek to benefit from the participation of others without paying any costs. The cost-benefit view of this group of people is accompanied by the argument that if the people involved in the partnership achieve their goals, they are also partners in the profit, and if the political partnership fails to achieve the goal, the people involved pay the cost. Individuals will not incur costs due to their absence from the scene. These people can be called a group who seek a "free ride:. Activists of the second group either simply vote and participate in campaigns and contact political figures and parties (conventional participation) or engage in collective action, direct action, and political violence (unconventional participation). The rational choice approach assumes that both groups take such actions by calculating the cost-benefit. It could be argued that it can make more profit by paying less. Among the components of perceived political cost, the highest average was related to perceived political cost online. Thusit can be concluded that the online space is a more secure space in terms of cost than the offline space. This means that those who participate online will pay less politically, and those who participate in the offline (actual) space will pay more. However, perceived political costs in online (virtual) space are more than offline space, and this may be a factor in preventing people from attending online space. The results showed that contrary to the hypothesis derived from the rational choice approach, the higher the political cost paid by students, the higher their political participation would be.. Therefore, it can be said that people who have high participation are probably the ones who have a stronger belief in their political path and expenses; in addition, suchexpenses cannot stop them from following their path. The next point is that such people who have the experience of paying political costs are not afraid of participating in politics. The sum of these findings indicates that we in Iran and among students cannot speak of a rational political activist and calculator by defining a rational approach. From this perspective, students are not rational and cost-effective political actors, because their perceptions and calculations of the costs and benefits would not direct their political participation. Also, the costs paid offline do not cause them to engage in political participation in the online space at a lower cost, and vice versa. Introduction: The latest emerging communication technologies such as the Internet and online social networks have drastically shaped individual’s participation. Now, with the spread of new technologies (social networks), people can pursue some of their political interests and activities in the online interactive space. Therefore, understanding the political participation of individuals in society without considering its online dimensions would not be enough. In a world where the spatialization of online (offline-offline) is increasing day by day, political participation is not limited to one dimension (i.e. participation in offline (real) space). Another dimension called online political participation (political participation in cyberspace) is also provided for political participation. The prominent role of social networks like Facebook, Twitter, and Telegram in the evolution of political systems shows this crucial point. Taking into account the ‘dual speciation of the social world’ and the rational choice approach, the present study tried to examine the relationship between political costs (perceived and received) with students’ political participation in both online and offline spaces. Materials and Methods: In this survey study, the data collection tool was a questionnaire with mostly closed questions organized in several sections. The first part was demographic characteristics; the second part was online and offline political participation; and the third part was about measuring political expenses. The formal validity was used to ensure the validity of the questionnaire and Cronbach's alpha coefficient was used to ensure the reliability.. The reliability results of the questionnaire spectra with Cronbach's alpha coefficient were acceptable as follows: the online political participation with the coefficient of 79%, offline political participation with the coefficient of 72%, perceived virtual political cost with the coefficient of 93%, and the virtual and real paid costs with the coefficient of 84%. The statistical population in this study was all 20000 students in Shiraz University in different stages. Using Cochran's formula, the sample size was 390 for this study. The stratified random sampling method with proportional quota was used in this regard. In this method, the statistical population was divided into different classes based on faculty, field, gender, and educational levels. From each class, in proportion to the quota of that class, the participants were randomly selected from the sample size and completed the questionnaire voluntarily.. To analyze the data, SPSS software at both descriptive and inferential levels and Amos software were used. The present study seeks to answer three questions: 1) Is online space a less expensive area for participation? 2) Do groups whose participation and activities are thought to be costly or paid more in real space have more political participation in cyberspace?; 3) Can the rational choice approach provide a good explanation for individuals' online and offline political participation? Discussion of Results and Conclusions: The present study investigated the relationship between political costs and political participation in both online and offline spaces based on the rational choice approach. Political participation encompasses various levels in the political system, ranging from non-conflict to holding political office. The rational choice approach denotes that the way people look at political participation, like other people's actions in life, is in terms of profit and loss, that is, people with a kind of rational and computational view based on light and cost-benefit decisions decide to participate or not. In general, in the discussion of political participation, individuals can be divided into two categories: those who do not engage in participation and who remotely watch the activities and political behaviors of other people, and those who engage in political participation and look at the cost-benefit perspective at different levels of political participation. People in the first group seek to benefit from the participation of others without paying any costs. The cost-benefit view of this group of people is accompanied by the argument that if the people involved in the partnership achieve their goals, they are also partners in the profit, and if the political partnership fails to achieve the goal, the people involved pay the cost. Individuals will not incur costs due to their absence from the scene. These people can be called a group who seek a "free ride:. Activists of the second group either simply vote and participate in campaigns and contact political figures and parties (conventional participation) or engage in collective action, direct action, and political violence (unconventional participation). The rational choice approach assumes that both groups take such actions by calculating the cost-benefit. It could be argued that it can make more profit by paying less. Among the components of perceived political cost, the highest average was related to perceived political cost online. Thusit can be concluded that the online space is a more secure space in terms of cost than the offline space. This means that those who participate online will pay less politically, and those who participate in the offline (actual) space will pay more. However, perceived political costs in online (virtual) space are more than offline space, and this may be a factor in preventing people from attending online space. The results showed that contrary to the hypothesis derived from the rational choice approach, the higher the political cost paid by students, the higher their political participation would be.. Therefore, it can be said that people who have high participation are probably the ones who have a stronger belief in their political path and expenses; in addition, suchexpenses cannot stop them from following their path. The next point is that such people who have the experience of paying political costs are not afraid of participating in politics. The sum of these findings indicates that we in Iran and among students cannot speak of a rational political activist and calculator by defining a rational approach. From this perspective, students are not rational and cost-effective political actors, because their perceptions and calculations of the costs and benefits would not direct their political participation. Also, the costs paid offline do not cause them to engage in political participation in the online space at a lower cost, and vice versa.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_25548_152e4f29776624cf13ad617f9e534886.pdf