University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 37 3 2026 09 23 A Phenomenological Study of the Religious Lifeworld of Women Participating in Quranic Classes: A Case Study of Women in the City of Lar A Phenomenological Study of the Religious Lifeworld of Women Participating in Quranic Classes: A Case Study of Women in the City of Lar 1 28 30218 10.22108/jas.2026.146034.2679 FA Arman Heidari Associate professor of Sociology, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Yasouj, Yasouj, Iran Fatemeh Nourozi Assistant professor, Department of Sociology, Payame Noor University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2025 07 27 Introduction One of the most prominent processes of religious socialization in Islamic countries, including Iran, is active participation in informal religious classes that have been held for several years. These classes provide instruction on religious ideas, beliefs, principles, and rituals. Typically, the majority of participants in these informal sessions are married women from diverse age groups, educational backgrounds, and social classes. Despite their daily household responsibilities, these women willingly engage in the classes on a part-time basis. However, there is a lack of consensus regarding the effects and implications of such religious education within society. Most analyses have approached these classes from an external ideological standpoint, relying on the perspectives of researchers, religious experts, and cultural policymakers. Consequently, the varied impacts of these classes from the internal viewpoints of the participants themselves have not been adequately explored. It is crucial to evaluate the effects and outcomes of these classes by considering the perspectives of those who actively engage in them. Given these gaps in understanding, this article aimed to describe and analyze the perceptions and experiences of Lari women attending Quranic classes from a phenomenological perspective. The women involved in this study participated in such classes during the years 2019-2020. The primary research questions were: How do Lari women participating in Quranic classes perceive and articulate their world? What insights do these women have into their social and emotional relationships, and how, influenced by religious concepts and beliefs, do they establish, regulate, and frame their interactions with others? Additionally, how do these women express and interpret the tangible effects of religious education in their actions and mental states? Materials & Methods The research employed a phenomenological method and was regarded as the most suitable approach for exploring the depth and essence of experience and the meaning of religion as a complex phenomenon. This study utilized an empirical phenomenology approach, consisting of 7 fundamental steps: defining the research question, conducting a preliminary study, selecting a theoretical framework to guide the design, examining first-order constructs (and bracketing existing theories), developing second-order constructs, controlling for unintended effects, and relating the findings to existing scientific literature and the empirical field. To reach women participating in these classes, purposive and non-random sampling techniques were employed. Subsequently, open-ended, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 women involved in the classes. To uphold ethical standards and enhance the validity of the research, the study objectives were discussed with the interviewees prior to data collection. They were assured that their identities would remain confidential. The interviews lasted an average of 40 to 60 minutes, with individual sentences serving as the unit of data analysis. After the data collection process, the key themes from the participants' responses were conceptualized and subsequently categorized at a more abstract level. To validate the findings, the final themes were presented back to the interviewees, who confirmed that the results aligned with their experiences. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The youngest participant in the study was 35 years old, while the oldest was 70. Most participants were married housewives with either a diploma or a bachelor's degree. Only 3 women possessed a university education—holding qualifications ranging from a higher diploma to a master's degree. Among the group, one participant was employed and another was retired from a career in education. The women attended Quran classes intermittently or continuously, with some exclusively participating in neighborhood classes, while others also attended sessions at religious venues, such as Hosseiniyeh, Mahdiyyah, and Maktab (traditional Quranic classes). Based on the analysis of their statements, the participants' religious perceptions and experiences were organized into 6 main categories: 1) Living within Quranic boundaries; 2) Expanding the scope and enhancing the quality of social interactions among women's groups; 3) Finding meaning in life and achieving a sense of self-fulfillment; 4) Engaging in charitable economic activities; 5) Belief in sacred symbols and their efficacy; and 6) Experiencing discomfort at customary (non-religious) ceremonies and venues. The study findings indicated that, following their participation in Quranic classes, the women exhibited increased commitment to obligatory religious practices (Vajebat), including prayer, fasting, hijab, and khums (donating one-fifth of agricultural products to the poor). Their commitment also extended to recommended practices (Mostahabbat), such as performing non-obligatory prayers and fasting. While these women largely considered themselves devoted to religious moral obligations, there were instances—especially during events like wedding celebrations—when they either overlooked these obligations or failed to fulfill them despite having the desire to do so. In Quranic classes, values, such as honesty, sincerity, empathy, altruism, and continual reminders of religious teachings, instilled a sense of meaning, peace, and purpose in life for the participants. These women reported significant emotional growth and positive outcomes as a result of their involvement in these classes. Contrary to popular belief, they engaged in economic activities alongside their religious pursuits. However, their motivation for these economic endeavors was not profit-driven; rather, they viewed their actions as a means to earn rewards and compensation in the hereafter. In essence, they saw their economic activities as acts of compassion and benevolence aimed at supporting their community and helping those in need. Regarding their belief in sacred symbols and their efficacy, participants expressed faith in the sanctity and intercessory power associated with specific times, places, and objects. This belief contributed to feelings of peace, contentment, and satisfaction when they encountered particular objects, visited certain locations, carried symbols, or consumed specific foods and drinks. Such perceptions had established a kind of intersubjective consensus that shaped the attitudes and lived experiences of these women across various individual, social, and economic dimensions of their lives. Overall, it could be observed that these women had organized their actions and beliefs in alignment with religious concepts, values, principles, and rituals. However, influenced by the broader social context and the need to adapt to modern attitudes and values, there were times and places where they had to navigate away from the religious standards emphasized in Quranic classes. In such instances, they might find themselves re-evaluating the religious teachings provided in these classes. Introduction One of the most prominent processes of religious socialization in Islamic countries, including Iran, is active participation in informal religious classes that have been held for several years. These classes provide instruction on religious ideas, beliefs, principles, and rituals. Typically, the majority of participants in these informal sessions are married women from diverse age groups, educational backgrounds, and social classes. Despite their daily household responsibilities, these women willingly engage in the classes on a part-time basis. However, there is a lack of consensus regarding the effects and implications of such religious education within society. Most analyses have approached these classes from an external ideological standpoint, relying on the perspectives of researchers, religious experts, and cultural policymakers. Consequently, the varied impacts of these classes from the internal viewpoints of the participants themselves have not been adequately explored. It is crucial to evaluate the effects and outcomes of these classes by considering the perspectives of those who actively engage in them. Given these gaps in understanding, this article aimed to describe and analyze the perceptions and experiences of Lari women attending Quranic classes from a phenomenological perspective. The women involved in this study participated in such classes during the years 2019-2020. The primary research questions were: How do Lari women participating in Quranic classes perceive and articulate their world? What insights do these women have into their social and emotional relationships, and how, influenced by religious concepts and beliefs, do they establish, regulate, and frame their interactions with others? Additionally, how do these women express and interpret the tangible effects of religious education in their actions and mental states? Materials & Methods The research employed a phenomenological method and was regarded as the most suitable approach for exploring the depth and essence of experience and the meaning of religion as a complex phenomenon. This study utilized an empirical phenomenology approach, consisting of 7 fundamental steps: defining the research question, conducting a preliminary study, selecting a theoretical framework to guide the design, examining first-order constructs (and bracketing existing theories), developing second-order constructs, controlling for unintended effects, and relating the findings to existing scientific literature and the empirical field. To reach women participating in these classes, purposive and non-random sampling techniques were employed. Subsequently, open-ended, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 women involved in the classes. To uphold ethical standards and enhance the validity of the research, the study objectives were discussed with the interviewees prior to data collection. They were assured that their identities would remain confidential. The interviews lasted an average of 40 to 60 minutes, with individual sentences serving as the unit of data analysis. After the data collection process, the key themes from the participants' responses were conceptualized and subsequently categorized at a more abstract level. To validate the findings, the final themes were presented back to the interviewees, who confirmed that the results aligned with their experiences. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The youngest participant in the study was 35 years old, while the oldest was 70. Most participants were married housewives with either a diploma or a bachelor's degree. Only 3 women possessed a university education—holding qualifications ranging from a higher diploma to a master's degree. Among the group, one participant was employed and another was retired from a career in education. The women attended Quran classes intermittently or continuously, with some exclusively participating in neighborhood classes, while others also attended sessions at religious venues, such as Hosseiniyeh, Mahdiyyah, and Maktab (traditional Quranic classes). Based on the analysis of their statements, the participants' religious perceptions and experiences were organized into 6 main categories: 1) Living within Quranic boundaries; 2) Expanding the scope and enhancing the quality of social interactions among women's groups; 3) Finding meaning in life and achieving a sense of self-fulfillment; 4) Engaging in charitable economic activities; 5) Belief in sacred symbols and their efficacy; and 6) Experiencing discomfort at customary (non-religious) ceremonies and venues. The study findings indicated that, following their participation in Quranic classes, the women exhibited increased commitment to obligatory religious practices (Vajebat), including prayer, fasting, hijab, and khums (donating one-fifth of agricultural products to the poor). Their commitment also extended to recommended practices (Mostahabbat), such as performing non-obligatory prayers and fasting. While these women largely considered themselves devoted to religious moral obligations, there were instances—especially during events like wedding celebrations—when they either overlooked these obligations or failed to fulfill them despite having the desire to do so. In Quranic classes, values, such as honesty, sincerity, empathy, altruism, and continual reminders of religious teachings, instilled a sense of meaning, peace, and purpose in life for the participants. These women reported significant emotional growth and positive outcomes as a result of their involvement in these classes. Contrary to popular belief, they engaged in economic activities alongside their religious pursuits. However, their motivation for these economic endeavors was not profit-driven; rather, they viewed their actions as a means to earn rewards and compensation in the hereafter. In essence, they saw their economic activities as acts of compassion and benevolence aimed at supporting their community and helping those in need. Regarding their belief in sacred symbols and their efficacy, participants expressed faith in the sanctity and intercessory power associated with specific times, places, and objects. This belief contributed to feelings of peace, contentment, and satisfaction when they encountered particular objects, visited certain locations, carried symbols, or consumed specific foods and drinks. Such perceptions had established a kind of intersubjective consensus that shaped the attitudes and lived experiences of these women across various individual, social, and economic dimensions of their lives. Overall, it could be observed that these women had organized their actions and beliefs in alignment with religious concepts, values, principles, and rituals. However, influenced by the broader social context and the need to adapt to modern attitudes and values, there were times and places where they had to navigate away from the religious standards emphasized in Quranic classes. In such instances, they might find themselves re-evaluating the religious teachings provided in these classes.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_30218_8ad4dc04a30bcb0054485e79d7ae626c.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 37 3 2026 09 23 Social Work Intervention Process for Social Reintegration of Convicts Based on Case Management Model: From Prison to Community Social Work Intervention Process for Social Reintegration of Convicts Based on Case Management Model: From Prison to Community 29 60 30175 10.22108/jas.2025.146636.2705 FA Ali Asghar Darvishifard Assistant professor of Social Work, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Governance, University of Shahed, Tehran, Iran Sattar Parvin Associate professor, Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Allameh Tabatabae’i, Tehran, Iran 0000-0001-6471-4668 Journal Article 2025 09 17 Introduction The prevalence and recurrence of crime are significant concerns for various societies, including Iran. Among the groups affected, the immigrant youth are known to commit a portion of these crimes. This study aimed to develop and describe a comprehensive social work model for the social reintegration of immigrant youth involved in recidivism. A careful review of domestic research and literature reveals a gap in the availability of a specific, codified intervention model for the social reintegration of offenders, both within prisons and as part of society at large. The model proposed in this study adopted a social work perspective, employing a systemic approach rooted in a profound understanding of the experiences of individuals affected by crime and recidivism. Ultimately, the final design incorporated insights and recommendations from experts in the field, paving the way for the development of an effective and contextually relevant empirical model. Materials & Methods This research employed a qualitative methodology. To achieve the primary objectives of the study, a 3-stage research process was implemented. In the first stage, the study investigated immigrant youths’ understanding of the recurrence of criminal behaviors and their various dimensions. The sample population for this phase consisted of 26 immigrant youths involved in theft and drug-related crimes, all of whom had a history of recidivism and were incarcerated at the time of the research in 2023. Evidence, including daily interactions with various convicts and insights from colleagues, indicated that drug-related and theft-related offenses were most prevalent among immigrant youths. Consequently, the criteria for inclusion in the study were being involved in drug crimes or theft, being an immigrant, belonging to the demographic convicted youth, and having a history of recidivism. In the second stage, the perspectives of experts regarding considerations and interventions relevant to social integration were explored in response to the main research question. This section included a sample size of 10 experts. Data collection in both stages was conducted through semi-structured interviews. The collected data were subsequently analyzed by using theoretical coding and thematic analysis. In the third stage, the findings from the first two sections were integrated and professional judgment was used to explore various dimensions related to the main research question. Ultimately, the case management model was selected as the representative framework for social work aimed at the social reintegration of the target group. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The case management model emerged from the integration of qualitative research findings aimed at addressing the primary research question. The insights gained from the first part of the study, which focused on understanding the recidivism process among immigrant youth, served as the foundation for outlining the various stages of case management. Meanwhile, the findings from the second part, which examined considerations and interventions pertinent to the social reintegration of immigrant youth, informed the descriptions of interventions tailored to this target group. According to the case management model, the social reintegration process comprised 7 main stages: case finding, psychosocial assessment, goal setting and planning, intervention and action, monitoring and evaluation, follow-up, and community-based care interventions. Based on these stages, social worker’s interventions for reintegrating the target group unfolded across two primary phases: during incarceration and after release. This approach emphasized the continuity of the case management process as individual’s transition from prison to community reintegration. It could be concluded that the case management model was applicable not only to individuals convicted of theft and drug-related offenses, but also to a broader range of offenders, who required social work interventions. By considering the specific contexts of these individuals, the model could facilitate improvements in their circumstances and promote successful reintegration into society. Introduction The prevalence and recurrence of crime are significant concerns for various societies, including Iran. Among the groups affected, the immigrant youth are known to commit a portion of these crimes. This study aimed to develop and describe a comprehensive social work model for the social reintegration of immigrant youth involved in recidivism. A careful review of domestic research and literature reveals a gap in the availability of a specific, codified intervention model for the social reintegration of offenders, both within prisons and as part of society at large. The model proposed in this study adopted a social work perspective, employing a systemic approach rooted in a profound understanding of the experiences of individuals affected by crime and recidivism. Ultimately, the final design incorporated insights and recommendations from experts in the field, paving the way for the development of an effective and contextually relevant empirical model. Materials & Methods This research employed a qualitative methodology. To achieve the primary objectives of the study, a 3-stage research process was implemented. In the first stage, the study investigated immigrant youths’ understanding of the recurrence of criminal behaviors and their various dimensions. The sample population for this phase consisted of 26 immigrant youths involved in theft and drug-related crimes, all of whom had a history of recidivism and were incarcerated at the time of the research in 2023. Evidence, including daily interactions with various convicts and insights from colleagues, indicated that drug-related and theft-related offenses were most prevalent among immigrant youths. Consequently, the criteria for inclusion in the study were being involved in drug crimes or theft, being an immigrant, belonging to the demographic convicted youth, and having a history of recidivism. In the second stage, the perspectives of experts regarding considerations and interventions relevant to social integration were explored in response to the main research question. This section included a sample size of 10 experts. Data collection in both stages was conducted through semi-structured interviews. The collected data were subsequently analyzed by using theoretical coding and thematic analysis. In the third stage, the findings from the first two sections were integrated and professional judgment was used to explore various dimensions related to the main research question. Ultimately, the case management model was selected as the representative framework for social work aimed at the social reintegration of the target group. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The case management model emerged from the integration of qualitative research findings aimed at addressing the primary research question. The insights gained from the first part of the study, which focused on understanding the recidivism process among immigrant youth, served as the foundation for outlining the various stages of case management. Meanwhile, the findings from the second part, which examined considerations and interventions pertinent to the social reintegration of immigrant youth, informed the descriptions of interventions tailored to this target group. According to the case management model, the social reintegration process comprised 7 main stages: case finding, psychosocial assessment, goal setting and planning, intervention and action, monitoring and evaluation, follow-up, and community-based care interventions. Based on these stages, social worker’s interventions for reintegrating the target group unfolded across two primary phases: during incarceration and after release. This approach emphasized the continuity of the case management process as individual’s transition from prison to community reintegration. It could be concluded that the case management model was applicable not only to individuals convicted of theft and drug-related offenses, but also to a broader range of offenders, who required social work interventions. By considering the specific contexts of these individuals, the model could facilitate improvements in their circumstances and promote successful reintegration into society.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_30175_64cb444b1d127dbf3ec19b3357433c6f.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 37 3 2026 09 23 The Sense of Place Belonging in Multicultural and Plural Cities (Case Study: Rezvanshahr in Gilan Province) The Sense of Place Belonging in Multicultural and Plural Cities (Case Study: Rezvanshahr in Gilan Province) 61 82 30305 10.22108/jas.2026.146163.2685 FA Reza Alizadeh Assistant professor, Gilan Research Institute, University of Gilan, Rasht, Iran Mehdi Mazloom Khodashahri MA., Sociology, University of Gilan, Rasht, Iran Journal Article 2025 07 30 Introduction The concept of place belonging defined as the emotional and cognitive bond between individuals and their environment is a crucial element of urban sustainability and social cohesion. This significance is amplified in multicultural cities, where diverse ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist, making the negotiation of identity and attachment a complex process. This study investigated the sense of place belonging among the residents of Rezvanshahr, a city in northern Iran recognized as one of the nation's most ethnically diverse urban centers, primarily inhabited by Gilak, Talesh, and Turk communities. The research addressed a critical gap in the literature by moving beyond physical determinants of attachment to explore how socio-cultural dynamics influenced place belonging in a pluralistic context. Drawing primarily on Marco Antonsich's comprehensive theoretical framework, which conceptualizes belonging not merely as a personal feeling of being 'at home' but as a multidimensional phenomenon shaped by autobiographical, relational, cultural, economic, and legal factors, this study had two main objectives. First, it aimed to empirically measure the overall level of place belonging among the citizens. Second, and more importantly, it sought to analyze the relationship between this sense of belonging and several key social variables: social vitality (as an indicator of positive social interaction), the spirit of participation in urban management, trust in urban management institutions, and perceptions of urban violence. By focusing on Rezvanshahr, this study offers valuable insights into the interplay between social capital, governance, and place attachment in a context characterized by significant cultural diversity. Materials & Methods This quantitative research utilized a survey method with a structured questionnaire. The statistical population comprised all citizens of Rezvanshahr. A sample of 400 respondents was selected through random cluster sampling across 11 neighborhoods of the city. The validity of the instrument was established through face validity, while reliability was assessed using Cronbach's alpha. The coefficients for all main variables—including sense of belonging, social vitality, participation, perceptions of violence, and trust—ranged from 0.72 to 0.93, indicating good internal consistency. Data analysis was conducted by using SPSS, employing descriptive statistics, Pearson's correlation coefficient, analysis of variance (ANOVA), and multiple regression analysis. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The findings indicated that the overall sense of place belonging in Rezvanshahr was relatively high, suggesting a robust emotional connection between citizens and their city, despite its diversity. The results revealed significant positive correlations between a sense of belonging and social vitality, participation in urban management, and trust in municipal institutions. This suggested that citizens’ emotional investment in the city deepened when they found joy in their daily interactions, felt that their contributions to city affairs were valued, and perceived local authorities as competent and honest. Conversely, a significant negative correlation was observed between urban violence and sense of belonging, highlighting how insecurity and social disorder could diminish feelings of safety and belonging. Significant differences in sense of belonging were found across demographic variables, particularly among age groups, where older citizens reported a higher sense of belonging. Additionally, differences were noted in education levels and, notably, ethnicity. Gilak respondents exhibited the highest sense of belonging followed by Talesh, while Turk respondents reported the lowest. These variations suggested differing levels of social integration and recognition that warranted further investigation. No significant differences were detected based on gender or religion. The regression analysis demonstrated that the independent variables collectively explained a substantial portion (45%) of the variance in sense of place belonging, confirming the model's strong explanatory power. These findings align closely with Antonsich's theoretical dimensions. Social vitality and participation reflect the relational and cultural factors that enhance an individual's connection to place. The significance of ethnicity highlights the cultural dimension, wherein language and shared identity serve as key anchors for belonging. Trust in urban management relates to the legal and social aspects of feeling secure and is recognized by systems of authority. Moreover, urban violence directly undermines feelings of safety and stability, which are essential for the autobiographical and economic continuity of place attachment. The study concludes that a sense of belonging is not inherent but a social construct actively shaped at the intersection of power, identity, and space. Therefore, fostering social vitality, encouraging genuine citizen participation, building trust in municipal institutions, and implementing effective policies to mitigate urban violence are not merely administrative tasks; they are essential strategies for enhancing place belonging and managing social cohesion in multicultural urban settings like Rezvanshahr. Introduction The concept of place belonging defined as the emotional and cognitive bond between individuals and their environment is a crucial element of urban sustainability and social cohesion. This significance is amplified in multicultural cities, where diverse ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist, making the negotiation of identity and attachment a complex process. This study investigated the sense of place belonging among the residents of Rezvanshahr, a city in northern Iran recognized as one of the nation's most ethnically diverse urban centers, primarily inhabited by Gilak, Talesh, and Turk communities. The research addressed a critical gap in the literature by moving beyond physical determinants of attachment to explore how socio-cultural dynamics influenced place belonging in a pluralistic context. Drawing primarily on Marco Antonsich's comprehensive theoretical framework, which conceptualizes belonging not merely as a personal feeling of being 'at home' but as a multidimensional phenomenon shaped by autobiographical, relational, cultural, economic, and legal factors, this study had two main objectives. First, it aimed to empirically measure the overall level of place belonging among the citizens. Second, and more importantly, it sought to analyze the relationship between this sense of belonging and several key social variables: social vitality (as an indicator of positive social interaction), the spirit of participation in urban management, trust in urban management institutions, and perceptions of urban violence. By focusing on Rezvanshahr, this study offers valuable insights into the interplay between social capital, governance, and place attachment in a context characterized by significant cultural diversity. Materials & Methods This quantitative research utilized a survey method with a structured questionnaire. The statistical population comprised all citizens of Rezvanshahr. A sample of 400 respondents was selected through random cluster sampling across 11 neighborhoods of the city. The validity of the instrument was established through face validity, while reliability was assessed using Cronbach's alpha. The coefficients for all main variables—including sense of belonging, social vitality, participation, perceptions of violence, and trust—ranged from 0.72 to 0.93, indicating good internal consistency. Data analysis was conducted by using SPSS, employing descriptive statistics, Pearson's correlation coefficient, analysis of variance (ANOVA), and multiple regression analysis. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The findings indicated that the overall sense of place belonging in Rezvanshahr was relatively high, suggesting a robust emotional connection between citizens and their city, despite its diversity. The results revealed significant positive correlations between a sense of belonging and social vitality, participation in urban management, and trust in municipal institutions. This suggested that citizens’ emotional investment in the city deepened when they found joy in their daily interactions, felt that their contributions to city affairs were valued, and perceived local authorities as competent and honest. Conversely, a significant negative correlation was observed between urban violence and sense of belonging, highlighting how insecurity and social disorder could diminish feelings of safety and belonging. Significant differences in sense of belonging were found across demographic variables, particularly among age groups, where older citizens reported a higher sense of belonging. Additionally, differences were noted in education levels and, notably, ethnicity. Gilak respondents exhibited the highest sense of belonging followed by Talesh, while Turk respondents reported the lowest. These variations suggested differing levels of social integration and recognition that warranted further investigation. No significant differences were detected based on gender or religion. The regression analysis demonstrated that the independent variables collectively explained a substantial portion (45%) of the variance in sense of place belonging, confirming the model's strong explanatory power. These findings align closely with Antonsich's theoretical dimensions. Social vitality and participation reflect the relational and cultural factors that enhance an individual's connection to place. The significance of ethnicity highlights the cultural dimension, wherein language and shared identity serve as key anchors for belonging. Trust in urban management relates to the legal and social aspects of feeling secure and is recognized by systems of authority. Moreover, urban violence directly undermines feelings of safety and stability, which are essential for the autobiographical and economic continuity of place attachment. The study concludes that a sense of belonging is not inherent but a social construct actively shaped at the intersection of power, identity, and space. Therefore, fostering social vitality, encouraging genuine citizen participation, building trust in municipal institutions, and implementing effective policies to mitigate urban violence are not merely administrative tasks; they are essential strategies for enhancing place belonging and managing social cohesion in multicultural urban settings like Rezvanshahr.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_30305_ad19b87f5e912c84287c1e1d88bbfd34.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 37 3 2026 09 23 The Paradox of Hope: Exploring Students' Lived Experience of Social and Political Hope The Paradox of Hope: Exploring Students' Lived Experience of Social and Political Hope 83 104 30335 10.22108/jas.2026.146659.2707 FA Sogand Sadidi M.A. of Social Sciences Research, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Letters and Humanities, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran Ahmadreza Asgharpourmasouleh Associate professor of Sociology, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, Iran Hossein Akbari Associate professor of Sociology, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Letters and Humanities, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran Journal Article 2025 09 15 Introduction Social and political hope is not merely an individual emotion but an intersubjective experience rooted in cultural and political contexts, shaping both human agency and visions of the future. In contemporary Iran, the landscape of hope has been transformed by shifting dominant discourses—from the justice-oriented discourse of the 2000s to the narrative of survival and resistance in the late 2010s—further exacerbated by economic crises, widening inequality, and deepening generational divides. National surveys confirm a tangible decline in hope over the past decade. The Third Wave of Social Capital Measurement (Ministry of Interior, 2018) reports a significant drop in institutional trust and optimism. Critically, the National Elites Foundation (2021) indicates that the desire to emigrate among top university students has surged from 31% in 2015 to over 52%, signaling a profound "brain drain" and a lived reality of hopelessness with severe consequences for civic participation and social cohesion. This research was motivated by a central paradox: a decline in socio-political hope among university students, who were simultaneously immersed in an environment designed to foster critical thinking, theoretical debate, and meaning-making. This contradiction—between engaging with analytical concepts in a dialogic space and personally experiencing despair—lay at the core of our inquiry. While extensive quantitative research existed on macro-level indicators of hope, the qualitative, lived experience of this paradox at the micro-level remained underexplored. To address this gap, the present study adopted a phenomenological approach to explore the following research question: How do students experience and give meaning to socio-political hope and hopelessness within the context of their daily lives and the university environment? The aim was not statistical generalization but rather an in-depth exploration of the subjective and meaning-making processes that occurred at the intersection of the university's critical discourse and the structural constraints of the broader society. Thus, the university was conceptualized not merely as a place of learning, but as a crucial intermediate field—where experiences of possibility or blockage and justice or inequality were directly encountered and negotiated. Materials & Methods This study employed Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to explore students' lived experiences of socio-political hope. IPA was particularly well suited for examining how individuals made meaning of significant experiences within specific contexts (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, 2009). Participants were 12 social science students (8 women, 4 men) from Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, who were selected through criterion-based, maximum-variation sampling. Inclusion criteria required at least 3 years of university experience, analytical literacy in socio-political issues, and a tangible experience of either hope or hopelessness. Data were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews lasting 60–90 minutes, which were conducted during a period of political transition following a national incident. Analysis followed the systematic, idiographic steps of IPA: multiple readings, initial noting, development of emergent themes, and search for connections across themes. To ensure trustworthiness, we employed member checking, maintained a reflexive journal and an audit trail, and provided thick descriptions of the context. Ethical protocols, including informed consent and confidentiality, were strictly observed. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The analysis revealed that the students' lived experience of hope was not a static state, but a paradoxical, fluid process shaped at the intersection of critical awareness and structural constraint. 5 main themes emerged from the interpretative phenomenological analysis. First, students' hope was continually eroded by encounters with injustice and instability. This was experienced not as an abstract condition, but as immediate, lived moments of blocked possibility. For female students, gender discrimination manifested in everyday academic settings, creating a sense of diminished worth. Relative deprivation was felt as a perceived gap between oneself and more privileged peers, rendering hope conditional and distant. Furthermore, socio-economic and political instability created a pervasive sense of a "shaking ground", turning the future into an opaque and unpredictable horizon, thereby making long-term planning and sustained hope impossible. Second, this context gave rise to a paradoxical form of hope. Students experienced a painful gap between their critical awareness—gained through university education—and their perceived powerlessness to act. This transformed hope from a motivating force into a burdensome awareness, a state of suspended agency, in which they could neither fully engage nor completely detach. This "painful hope" represented a central contradiction: the very tools that sharpened their understanding of social problems also deepened their sense of futility. Third, in the absence of reliable official structures, students constructed meaning and sustained hope through a multi-source network. Family and close relationships served as an emotional anchor, restoring a sense of stability. Selective, individualized religiosity offered solace and a future-oriented sense of divine justice. The digital space acted as a double-edged field, simultaneously fueling hope through inspirational content and eroding it through social comparison and exposure to crisis-laden news. Consequently, students often retreated to informal online spaces as sanctuaries where they could express themselves freely and find peer support, away from institutional pressures. Fourth, the data revealed fluid patterns of political belonging. These ranged from traditional belonging based on historical identity, through conditional belonging dependent on perceived governmental performance, to a profound sense of political non‑belonging characterized by feeling unheard and unrepresented. Finally, as a compensatory response to macro‑level hopelessness, students engaged in micro‑activism. This took the form of small‑scale ethical acts, informal charity, and what might be termed "small hopes"—fleeting yet vital experiences of making a tangible, if minor, difference in someone's life. This micro‑level agency did not aim to change structural conditions, but rather to preserve psychological continuity and a minimal sense of efficacy. This study concluded that socio‑political hope among these students was a paradoxical phenomenon suspended between the analytical awareness fostered by the university and the experienced constraints of the broader social structure. The findings challenged simplistic cause‑and‑effect models, revealing hope as a multi‑layered process shaped at the intersection of individual agency, institutional dynamics (with the university functioning as a competitive field), and macro‑structural instability. The university itself played a dual role: it empowered students with critical literacy while simultaneously exposing them to internal inequities that could fuel despair. This gave rise to the central paradox whereby increased critical consciousness coexisted with a diminished sense of agency, resulting in a "painful" or "suspended" hope. In response, students turned to multi‑source meaning‑making and micro‑acts of agency to sustain a livable present. The study underscored the need to move beyond quantitative indicators and to understand hope as a lived, paradoxical experience if meaningful interventions for rebuilding it are to be designed. Introduction Social and political hope is not merely an individual emotion but an intersubjective experience rooted in cultural and political contexts, shaping both human agency and visions of the future. In contemporary Iran, the landscape of hope has been transformed by shifting dominant discourses—from the justice-oriented discourse of the 2000s to the narrative of survival and resistance in the late 2010s—further exacerbated by economic crises, widening inequality, and deepening generational divides. National surveys confirm a tangible decline in hope over the past decade. The Third Wave of Social Capital Measurement (Ministry of Interior, 2018) reports a significant drop in institutional trust and optimism. Critically, the National Elites Foundation (2021) indicates that the desire to emigrate among top university students has surged from 31% in 2015 to over 52%, signaling a profound "brain drain" and a lived reality of hopelessness with severe consequences for civic participation and social cohesion. This research was motivated by a central paradox: a decline in socio-political hope among university students, who were simultaneously immersed in an environment designed to foster critical thinking, theoretical debate, and meaning-making. This contradiction—between engaging with analytical concepts in a dialogic space and personally experiencing despair—lay at the core of our inquiry. While extensive quantitative research existed on macro-level indicators of hope, the qualitative, lived experience of this paradox at the micro-level remained underexplored. To address this gap, the present study adopted a phenomenological approach to explore the following research question: How do students experience and give meaning to socio-political hope and hopelessness within the context of their daily lives and the university environment? The aim was not statistical generalization but rather an in-depth exploration of the subjective and meaning-making processes that occurred at the intersection of the university's critical discourse and the structural constraints of the broader society. Thus, the university was conceptualized not merely as a place of learning, but as a crucial intermediate field—where experiences of possibility or blockage and justice or inequality were directly encountered and negotiated. Materials & Methods This study employed Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to explore students' lived experiences of socio-political hope. IPA was particularly well suited for examining how individuals made meaning of significant experiences within specific contexts (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, 2009). Participants were 12 social science students (8 women, 4 men) from Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, who were selected through criterion-based, maximum-variation sampling. Inclusion criteria required at least 3 years of university experience, analytical literacy in socio-political issues, and a tangible experience of either hope or hopelessness. Data were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews lasting 60–90 minutes, which were conducted during a period of political transition following a national incident. Analysis followed the systematic, idiographic steps of IPA: multiple readings, initial noting, development of emergent themes, and search for connections across themes. To ensure trustworthiness, we employed member checking, maintained a reflexive journal and an audit trail, and provided thick descriptions of the context. Ethical protocols, including informed consent and confidentiality, were strictly observed. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The analysis revealed that the students' lived experience of hope was not a static state, but a paradoxical, fluid process shaped at the intersection of critical awareness and structural constraint. 5 main themes emerged from the interpretative phenomenological analysis. First, students' hope was continually eroded by encounters with injustice and instability. This was experienced not as an abstract condition, but as immediate, lived moments of blocked possibility. For female students, gender discrimination manifested in everyday academic settings, creating a sense of diminished worth. Relative deprivation was felt as a perceived gap between oneself and more privileged peers, rendering hope conditional and distant. Furthermore, socio-economic and political instability created a pervasive sense of a "shaking ground", turning the future into an opaque and unpredictable horizon, thereby making long-term planning and sustained hope impossible. Second, this context gave rise to a paradoxical form of hope. Students experienced a painful gap between their critical awareness—gained through university education—and their perceived powerlessness to act. This transformed hope from a motivating force into a burdensome awareness, a state of suspended agency, in which they could neither fully engage nor completely detach. This "painful hope" represented a central contradiction: the very tools that sharpened their understanding of social problems also deepened their sense of futility. Third, in the absence of reliable official structures, students constructed meaning and sustained hope through a multi-source network. Family and close relationships served as an emotional anchor, restoring a sense of stability. Selective, individualized religiosity offered solace and a future-oriented sense of divine justice. The digital space acted as a double-edged field, simultaneously fueling hope through inspirational content and eroding it through social comparison and exposure to crisis-laden news. Consequently, students often retreated to informal online spaces as sanctuaries where they could express themselves freely and find peer support, away from institutional pressures. Fourth, the data revealed fluid patterns of political belonging. These ranged from traditional belonging based on historical identity, through conditional belonging dependent on perceived governmental performance, to a profound sense of political non‑belonging characterized by feeling unheard and unrepresented. Finally, as a compensatory response to macro‑level hopelessness, students engaged in micro‑activism. This took the form of small‑scale ethical acts, informal charity, and what might be termed "small hopes"—fleeting yet vital experiences of making a tangible, if minor, difference in someone's life. This micro‑level agency did not aim to change structural conditions, but rather to preserve psychological continuity and a minimal sense of efficacy. This study concluded that socio‑political hope among these students was a paradoxical phenomenon suspended between the analytical awareness fostered by the university and the experienced constraints of the broader social structure. The findings challenged simplistic cause‑and‑effect models, revealing hope as a multi‑layered process shaped at the intersection of individual agency, institutional dynamics (with the university functioning as a competitive field), and macro‑structural instability. The university itself played a dual role: it empowered students with critical literacy while simultaneously exposing them to internal inequities that could fuel despair. This gave rise to the central paradox whereby increased critical consciousness coexisted with a diminished sense of agency, resulting in a "painful" or "suspended" hope. In response, students turned to multi‑source meaning‑making and micro‑acts of agency to sustain a livable present. The study underscored the need to move beyond quantitative indicators and to understand hope as a lived, paradoxical experience if meaningful interventions for rebuilding it are to be designed.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_30335_46f6d0b21f366e6171e9fef5152aaa7c.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 37 3 2026 09 23 Impact of Economic Capital on Social Tolerance with the Mediation of Social Capital and Cultural Capital among Citizens of Isfahan Province Impact of Economic Capital on Social Tolerance with the Mediation of Social Capital and Cultural Capital among Citizens of Isfahan Province 105 130 30314 10.22108/jas.2026.146073.2680 FA Seyyed Saeed Zabihi Hoseini Ph.D. student of Sociology of Economics and Development, Department of Sociology, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran Hasan Kheyri Professor, Department of Sociology, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran Rza Parizad Assistant professor, Department of Political Science, Qom Branch, Islamic Azad University, Qom, Iran Journal Article 2025 08 21 Introduction Tolerance is defined as the acceptance and peaceful coexistence with individuals, who differ in values, beliefs, culture, ethnicity, religion, politics, or economics. Social tolerance extends beyond mere endurance; it encompasses respect for differing opinions, mutual understanding, reduction of prejudice, and creation of an environment conducive to constructive interactions. In Iran, a country characterized by significant ethnic, cultural, and economic diversity, fostering tolerance can help mitigate social conflicts, enhance solidarity, and improve overall quality of life. Previous studies have primarily investigated factors, such as religiosity, media consumption, cultural intelligence, and psychological capital. However, the relationship between economic capital and social tolerance—particularly the mediating roles of social capital and cultural capital—has received limited attention. Economic capital encompasses wealth, material assets, income, and financial resources that facilitate access to social opportunities. Economic growth and stability alleviate material concerns, promote civic engagement, and, by strengthening social capital (networks, trust, cooperation) and cultural capital (knowledge, skills, values), create a foundation for enhanced tolerance. The influence of economic capital on tolerance is often indirect; social capital fosters connections and a sense of belonging, while cultural capital enhances understanding of differences. This research, focusing on the citizens of Isfahan Province, sought to explore the following question: How does economic capital influence social tolerance through the mediating effects of social capital and cultural capital? Materials & Methods This research employed a quantitative approach with a descriptive-correlational methodology. Data were collected through two primary methods: library research and field surveys utilizing a standardized questionnaire. The statistical population included citizens aged 18 years and older residing in Isfahan Province. Sampling was conducted by using a multi-stage cluster sampling method. The province was divided into 5 zones with one city selected from each zone: Khur and Biabanak, Kashan, Isfahan, Faridan and Faridunshahr, and Semirom. A sample size of 384 participants (192 men and 192 women) was determined by using Cochran's formula. The research questionnaire was developed based on standard scales and employed a 5-point Likert scale for responses. Data analysis was carried out using SPSS version 22 and AMOS software. Confirmatory factor analysis confirmed the validity of the measurement model, showing that convergent validity (average variance extracted greater than 0.5), composite reliability (above 0.7), and discriminant validity (the square root of average variance extracted exceeded inter-construct correlations) were met for all variables. Additionally, Cronbach's alpha reliability was found to be acceptable for the main variables. Consequently, the research instrument demonstrated ideal validity and reliability, ensuring adequacy of the measurement model. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The results indicated that economic capital had a positive and significant effect (0.46) on social tolerance. Social capital and cultural capital also played crucial intermediary roles. Economic capital influenced social tolerance indirectly by enhancing social capital (0.47) and cultural capital (0.51). The coefficients for the indirect effects through social capital and cultural capital were 0.23 and 0.24, respectively, underscoring the importance of these mediating variables. The model's fit indices indicated a good overall fit. Increasing economic capital would improve living conditions, reduce inequalities, and create opportunities for social interaction and access to cultural resources, thereby strengthening social tolerance. The findings confirmed that enhancing economic capital promoted tolerance both directly and indirectly (through social and cultural capital). This aligns with economic development theories, such as Lipset's, which posit that economic development is a prerequisite for forming a middle class, alleviating subsistence stress, and fostering acceptance of diversity. Furthermore, this finding is consistent with Bourdieu's theory on cultural capital, as well as the theories of Coleman and Putnam regarding social capital, which suggest that economic capital facilitates access to education, culture, and social networks, thereby enhancing mutual understanding and reducing prejudice. In the context of Isfahan Province, improving economic conditions by diminishing inequalities and strengthening trust and socio-cultural interactions can foster greater cohesion and tolerance. Therefore, to promote social tolerance, policy-making should concentrate on 3 key areas: creating equitable economic opportunities, strengthening local social networks, and narrowing access gaps to cultural resources. Coordinated implementation of these strategies by governmental institutions, non-governmental organizations, and local leaders can facilitate sustainable social development in the province. Introduction Tolerance is defined as the acceptance and peaceful coexistence with individuals, who differ in values, beliefs, culture, ethnicity, religion, politics, or economics. Social tolerance extends beyond mere endurance; it encompasses respect for differing opinions, mutual understanding, reduction of prejudice, and creation of an environment conducive to constructive interactions. In Iran, a country characterized by significant ethnic, cultural, and economic diversity, fostering tolerance can help mitigate social conflicts, enhance solidarity, and improve overall quality of life. Previous studies have primarily investigated factors, such as religiosity, media consumption, cultural intelligence, and psychological capital. However, the relationship between economic capital and social tolerance—particularly the mediating roles of social capital and cultural capital—has received limited attention. Economic capital encompasses wealth, material assets, income, and financial resources that facilitate access to social opportunities. Economic growth and stability alleviate material concerns, promote civic engagement, and, by strengthening social capital (networks, trust, cooperation) and cultural capital (knowledge, skills, values), create a foundation for enhanced tolerance. The influence of economic capital on tolerance is often indirect; social capital fosters connections and a sense of belonging, while cultural capital enhances understanding of differences. This research, focusing on the citizens of Isfahan Province, sought to explore the following question: How does economic capital influence social tolerance through the mediating effects of social capital and cultural capital? Materials & Methods This research employed a quantitative approach with a descriptive-correlational methodology. Data were collected through two primary methods: library research and field surveys utilizing a standardized questionnaire. The statistical population included citizens aged 18 years and older residing in Isfahan Province. Sampling was conducted by using a multi-stage cluster sampling method. The province was divided into 5 zones with one city selected from each zone: Khur and Biabanak, Kashan, Isfahan, Faridan and Faridunshahr, and Semirom. A sample size of 384 participants (192 men and 192 women) was determined by using Cochran's formula. The research questionnaire was developed based on standard scales and employed a 5-point Likert scale for responses. Data analysis was carried out using SPSS version 22 and AMOS software. Confirmatory factor analysis confirmed the validity of the measurement model, showing that convergent validity (average variance extracted greater than 0.5), composite reliability (above 0.7), and discriminant validity (the square root of average variance extracted exceeded inter-construct correlations) were met for all variables. Additionally, Cronbach's alpha reliability was found to be acceptable for the main variables. Consequently, the research instrument demonstrated ideal validity and reliability, ensuring adequacy of the measurement model. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The results indicated that economic capital had a positive and significant effect (0.46) on social tolerance. Social capital and cultural capital also played crucial intermediary roles. Economic capital influenced social tolerance indirectly by enhancing social capital (0.47) and cultural capital (0.51). The coefficients for the indirect effects through social capital and cultural capital were 0.23 and 0.24, respectively, underscoring the importance of these mediating variables. The model's fit indices indicated a good overall fit. Increasing economic capital would improve living conditions, reduce inequalities, and create opportunities for social interaction and access to cultural resources, thereby strengthening social tolerance. The findings confirmed that enhancing economic capital promoted tolerance both directly and indirectly (through social and cultural capital). This aligns with economic development theories, such as Lipset's, which posit that economic development is a prerequisite for forming a middle class, alleviating subsistence stress, and fostering acceptance of diversity. Furthermore, this finding is consistent with Bourdieu's theory on cultural capital, as well as the theories of Coleman and Putnam regarding social capital, which suggest that economic capital facilitates access to education, culture, and social networks, thereby enhancing mutual understanding and reducing prejudice. In the context of Isfahan Province, improving economic conditions by diminishing inequalities and strengthening trust and socio-cultural interactions can foster greater cohesion and tolerance. Therefore, to promote social tolerance, policy-making should concentrate on 3 key areas: creating equitable economic opportunities, strengthening local social networks, and narrowing access gaps to cultural resources. Coordinated implementation of these strategies by governmental institutions, non-governmental organizations, and local leaders can facilitate sustainable social development in the province.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_30314_4ae449fc161012f53d883168ca6bf5ce.pdf

University of Isfahan Journal of Applied Sociology 2008-5745 37 3 2026 09 23 A Discourse Analysis of Modernization in the Second Pahlavi Era with an Emphasis on the Domestic Automotive Industry (1962–1979) A Discourse Analysis of Modernization in the Second Pahlavi Era with an Emphasis on the Domestic Automotive Industry (1962–1979) 131 155 30389 10.22108/jas.2026.142340.2542 FA Vahid Hasanpour Ph.D. candidate in History, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran 0009-0000-5843-466X Abolhasan Fayaz Anush Associate professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran 0009-0005-5475-9439 Ali Akbar Jafari Associate professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran 0009-0000-5843-466X Journal Article 2024 08 03 Introduction This study entitled "A Discourse Analysis of Modernization in the Second Pahlavi Era with an Emphasis on the Domestic Automotive Industry (1962–1979)" investigated the complex and contested nature of modernization and industrial development in Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1941–1979). The article centered on the following question: how were modernization discourses constructed, contested, and transformed through Iran's evolving automotive industry, particularly as a symbolic and practical embodiment of national progress? The domestic automobile sector—exemplified by car assembly projects, such as the Paykan—served as a visible manifestation of modernization policies. By focusing on this industry as a microcosm of broader socio-political and developmental debates, the study explored the competing narratives of "modernity", "progress", and "dependency" that shaped the country's industrial identity in the years leading up to the 1979 Revolution. Materials & Methods This research adopted a discourse analysis approach guided by the theoretical and methodological framework of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Their discourse theory places language, power, and identity at the center of social relations and examines how particular meanings become dominant and hegemonic through political contestation. Texts, historical archives, and industrial documents related to automobile production were interpreted as discursive evidence—that is, as structured representations of ideological and political struggles. Analytical tools derived from Laclau and Mouffe’s concepts were employed to: Identify the primary and central signifiers organizing each discourse, such as "development", "dependency", or "assembly industry" Map chains of equivalence or difference that define the boundaries between modernization narratives and their opponents Trace antagonisms between competing discourse systems—particularly between Pahlavi modernization and revolutionary counter-discourses Assess the social and communicative outcomes that emerge when one discourse temporarily gains hegemonic power This approach did not merely describe industrial policy; rather, it interpreted industrial speech acts—including ministerial statements, propaganda, press releases, and critiques—as sites of meaning construction. The method thus integrated a conceptual framework with empirical data, blending textual analysis and socio-historical interpretation. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The results indicated that modernization under the Second Pahlavi era was discursively framed around the automobile as an emblem of progress and modernity. The Pahlavi discourse attempted to anchor industrial development around key signifiers, such as "automobile production" the "White Revolution", the "Great Civilization", and "middle-class welfare". Together, these concepts formed a "chain of difference", which excluded ideological opponents while consolidating a particular vision of Western-style modernity. However, during the 1970s, rival discourses emerged, primarily influenced by Leftist, Marxist-Islamic, and political Islam perspectives. These counter-discourses produced a "chain of equivalence", linking critiques of the "assembly industry" with notions of "Westoxification" (Gharbzadegi) and "dependency", thereby rejecting perceived Western-imposed models of development. The Paykan automobile crisis gradually became a symbolic battlefield between the vision of modernization through industrial expansion and the revolutionary call for self-sufficiency. Ultimately, the failure of the ruling discourse to articulate "empty signifiers", such as "independence" and "self-reliance" led to the weakening of its hegemony. The revolutionary discourse rearticulated these signifiers, promoting an ideology of a "return to the self", which delegitimized the industrial model as dependent and alien. This ideological transformation played a key role in the collapse of the modernization approach and prepared the ground for the hegemonic rise of the revolutionary discourse in 1979. This research concluded that the domestic automotive industry was not merely an economic enterprise but a discursive field of ideological conflict—where meanings of progress, development, and identity were continuously negotiated. It demonstrated how industrial policy both reflected and reproduced broader socio-political tensions. Through discourse analysis, the study revealed that Iran's modernization project was deeply intertwined with competing cultural and political imaginaries, rather than being driven solely by technical or economic concerns. Introduction This study entitled "A Discourse Analysis of Modernization in the Second Pahlavi Era with an Emphasis on the Domestic Automotive Industry (1962–1979)" investigated the complex and contested nature of modernization and industrial development in Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1941–1979). The article centered on the following question: how were modernization discourses constructed, contested, and transformed through Iran's evolving automotive industry, particularly as a symbolic and practical embodiment of national progress? The domestic automobile sector—exemplified by car assembly projects, such as the Paykan—served as a visible manifestation of modernization policies. By focusing on this industry as a microcosm of broader socio-political and developmental debates, the study explored the competing narratives of "modernity", "progress", and "dependency" that shaped the country's industrial identity in the years leading up to the 1979 Revolution. Materials & Methods This research adopted a discourse analysis approach guided by the theoretical and methodological framework of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Their discourse theory places language, power, and identity at the center of social relations and examines how particular meanings become dominant and hegemonic through political contestation. Texts, historical archives, and industrial documents related to automobile production were interpreted as discursive evidence—that is, as structured representations of ideological and political struggles. Analytical tools derived from Laclau and Mouffe’s concepts were employed to: Identify the primary and central signifiers organizing each discourse, such as "development", "dependency", or "assembly industry" Map chains of equivalence or difference that define the boundaries between modernization narratives and their opponents Trace antagonisms between competing discourse systems—particularly between Pahlavi modernization and revolutionary counter-discourses Assess the social and communicative outcomes that emerge when one discourse temporarily gains hegemonic power This approach did not merely describe industrial policy; rather, it interpreted industrial speech acts—including ministerial statements, propaganda, press releases, and critiques—as sites of meaning construction. The method thus integrated a conceptual framework with empirical data, blending textual analysis and socio-historical interpretation. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The results indicated that modernization under the Second Pahlavi era was discursively framed around the automobile as an emblem of progress and modernity. The Pahlavi discourse attempted to anchor industrial development around key signifiers, such as "automobile production" the "White Revolution", the "Great Civilization", and "middle-class welfare". Together, these concepts formed a "chain of difference", which excluded ideological opponents while consolidating a particular vision of Western-style modernity. However, during the 1970s, rival discourses emerged, primarily influenced by Leftist, Marxist-Islamic, and political Islam perspectives. These counter-discourses produced a "chain of equivalence", linking critiques of the "assembly industry" with notions of "Westoxification" (Gharbzadegi) and "dependency", thereby rejecting perceived Western-imposed models of development. The Paykan automobile crisis gradually became a symbolic battlefield between the vision of modernization through industrial expansion and the revolutionary call for self-sufficiency. Ultimately, the failure of the ruling discourse to articulate "empty signifiers", such as "independence" and "self-reliance" led to the weakening of its hegemony. The revolutionary discourse rearticulated these signifiers, promoting an ideology of a "return to the self", which delegitimized the industrial model as dependent and alien. This ideological transformation played a key role in the collapse of the modernization approach and prepared the ground for the hegemonic rise of the revolutionary discourse in 1979. This research concluded that the domestic automotive industry was not merely an economic enterprise but a discursive field of ideological conflict—where meanings of progress, development, and identity were continuously negotiated. It demonstrated how industrial policy both reflected and reproduced broader socio-political tensions. Through discourse analysis, the study revealed that Iran's modernization project was deeply intertwined with competing cultural and political imaginaries, rather than being driven solely by technical or economic concerns.

https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_30389_0ee7e43685eba622ad9c50e17f6966cd.pdf