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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>جامعه شناسی کاربردی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-5745</Issn>
				<Volume>37</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Study of the Social and Cultural Factors Affecting Attitudes toward Organ Donation (Case of Study: Citizens of Yasuj City)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>بررسی عوامل اجتماعی و فرهنگی مؤثر بر نگرش به اهدای عضو (مورد مطالعه: شهروندان شهر یاسوج)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>24</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">30393</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jas.2026.146160.2683</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سید صمد</FirstName>
					<LastName>بهشتی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشیار، گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات وعلوم انسانی، دانشگاه یاسوج، یاسوج، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مریم</FirstName>
					<LastName>مختاری</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشیار، گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات وعلوم انسانی، دانشگاه یاسوج، یاسوج، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>فرزانه</FirstName>
					<LastName>آتش فراز</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانش‌آموختۀ کارشناسی ارشد جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه یاسوج، یاسوج، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Organ transplantation is a modern therapeutic approach involving the removal of organs from one individual and their donation to another person in need. This treatment method is not solely a medical or clinical issue; rather, it is shaped by a range of legal, organizational, social, and cultural factors. Available statistics indicate a global increase in organ donation. For instance, a 2023 study covering 89 countries reported that organ donation from both living and deceased donors rose by 9% compared to 2022. In the same year, Spain (49.38 per million population), the United States (48.04), and Portugal (36.93) recorded the highest organ donation rates. In Iran, the highest rate in recent years was 14.3 per million population achieved in 2019. Despite a substantial number of brain-dead patients—particularly due to the high rate of traffic accidents—only about 10% of families express willingness to donate organs. Consequently, many patients in need die without receiving the required organs. Given this context, the primary objective of the present study was to examine the influence of several social and cultural factors—including religiosity, traditionalism, awareness, social trust, and especially institutional trust—on attitudes toward organ donation among citizens of Yasuj.
 
 
&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
This study employed a survey research method. The statistical population consisted of all citizens aged 15 years and older in Yasuj, totaling 134,532 individuals. From this population, 400 participants were selected by using multistage random sampling and data were collected through a researcher-developed questionnaire. The validity of the questionnaire was assessed by using face validity, as well as convergent validity, at both the indicator and construct levels. Its reliability was evaluated using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient and composite Cronbach’s alpha. The research data were analyzed using SPSS and PLS software.
 
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
The findings showed that positive attitudes toward organ donation and altruism were above the average level, whereas awareness of brain death, traditionalism, and trust in the medical profession were below the average level. The mean level of religiosity in the statistical population was at the average level. Collectively, these variables explained 42% of the variance in the dependent variable—attitude toward organ donation. A comparison of attitudes toward organ donation based on background characteristics revealed no differences by gender or marital status. However, individuals in the very high socioeconomic class held more positive attitudes toward organ donation compared to those in other classes. This difference was likely due to other variables not examined in this study, such as cultural capital. Additionally, mean comparisons showed that those who had acquaintances with a history of organ donation generally held more positive attitudes toward the practice.
Among the statistical population, awareness of the nature of brain death and consequences of organ donation had led to changes in attitudes and willingness to donate organs. The greater a person&#039;s knowledge and understanding of brain death were—specifically that recovery was impossible for brain-dead patients—the greater their willingness to donate organs could be. Furthermore, having close acquaintances, who had donated organs and gained information through contact with them also increased willingness to donate.
Regarding the effect of trust in doctors and the medical profession on organ donation, the analyses showed that this variable had a positive effect of 0.169. In other words, the greater the trust in the medical profession was, the more positive and favorable the attitude toward organ donation would be. In a context where the medical profession was trusted and physicians&#039; diagnoses were regarded as reliable and accurate, there were greater willingness and a more positive outlook toward organ donation.
Altruism with a regression effect of 0.242 influenced attitudes toward organ donation. In other words, the greater the spirit of altruism was, the more positive and favorable the attitude toward organ donation became. This variable could also be seen as mediating the effect of religiosity on organ donation since morally oriented religiosity could increase altruism and thereby lead to greater willingness to donate organs.
Tradition as the opposite of modernism focused on rejecting innovation, new patterns, and new ways of life. In this study, traditionalism had a regression effect of -0.346 on attitudes toward organ donation, which was the strongest effect in the sample. Traditionalism not only had a direct negative effect on attitudes toward organ donation through its own characteristics, but also reinforced its position by shaping various beliefs. One of the issues addressed in this study was the secular-religious outlook toward organ donation. This variable had a negative effect on attitudes toward organ donation with a regression coefficient of 0.313 and was itself influenced by traditionalism, which explained 6% of its variance. In fact, this factor could create certain sacred beliefs or, in some cases, fears presented as having a religious basis and in this way might hinder the formation of a positive attitude toward organ donation.
Another finding of the study showed that religiosity had an overall positive effect of 0.208 on attitudes toward organ donation. Given that the core philosophy of religion is to promote moral virtues among human beings, helping those in need—especially saving their lives—can be seen as one of the most important moral acts; therefore, its positive impact on organ donation is entirely understandable. In addition, religiosity also indirectly affects positive attitudes toward organ donation by positively influencing altruism.
Overall, the data from this study, while confirming the findings of many previous studies in this area, showed that organ donation was by no means purely a medical phenomenon, while social and cultural factors strongly influenced whether it was carried out.
 </Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA"> موضوع: پیوند اعضا به‌عنوان شیوه‌ای درمانی تنها یک موضوع پزشکی یا درمانی نیست و عوامل مختلف حقوقی، سازمانی، اجتماعی و فرهنگی بر آن اثر می‌گذارد. هدف اصلی این پژوهش بررسی تأثیر برخی عوامل اجتماعی و فرهنگی بر نگرش به این پدیده در بین شهروندان یاسوجی است. روش: روش به‌کاررفته در این پژوهش، روش پیمایشی است. جامعۀ آماری تحقیق حاضر تمامی شهروندان بیش از 15سال شهر یاسوج با تعداد 134532 نفر است. از بین آنها400 نفر با شیوۀ نمونه‎‌گیری تصادفی چند‎‌مرحله‎‌ای انتخاب شدند و اطلاعات آنها با ابزار پرسشنامۀ محقق‌ساخته جمع‌آوری شد. اعتبار پرسشنامه ازطریق اعتبار صوری و اعتبار همگرا در سطح معرف و عامل برآورد شد. پایایی آن نیز ازطریق ضریب آلفای کرونباخ و نیز آلفای کرونباخ ترکیبی محاسبه و داده‌های تحقیق با استفاده از نرم افزارهای spss و PLS تحلیل شد. یافته‌ها: یافته‌های تحقیق نشان داد که نگرش مثبت به اهدای عضو و روحیۀ نوع‌دوستی بیشتر از سطح متوسط و میزان اگاهی از مرگ مغزی، سنت‌گرایی، اعتماد به حرفۀ پزشکی کمتر از سطح متوسط است ودرنهایت میانگین دینداری در جامعۀ آماری در سطح متوسط قرار دارد. این متغیرها درمجموع توانسته است 42درصد از تغییرات متغیر ملاک یعنی نگرش به اهدای عضو را تبیین کند. مقایسۀ وضعیت نگرش به اهدای عضو باتوجه‌به برخی ویژگی‌های زمینه‌ای نیز نشان داد که برحسب جنسیت و وضعیت تأهل تفاوت نگرشی بین افراد وجود ندارد؛ ولی افراد در طبقات اجتماعی و اقتصادی خیلی عالی نگرش مثبت‌تری به اهدای عضو دارند تا سایر طبقات. همچنین مقایسۀ میانگین‌ها نشان داد کسانی که سابقۀ اهدای عضو در بین آشنایانشان دارند، درمجموع نگرش مثبت‌تری به این عمل دارند.نتیجه‌گیری: داشتن آگاهی، اعتماد به کادر درمان و داشتن حس نوع‌دوستی می‌تواند به گرایش مثبت به اهدای عضو منجر شود؛ ولی سنت‌گرایی عکس این روند عمل می‌کند. دینداری تأثیر دوگانه‌ای بر این پدیده دارد؛ به این معنی که نوعی از دینداری که به اخلاقیات و حس نوع‌دوستی تمرکز دارد، می‌تواند تأثیر مثبت و نوع دیگری از آن که تحت‌تأثیر تفسیر سنت‌گرایانه از دین است، می‌تواند اثری منفی بر تمایل به اهدا داشته باشد.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">اهدای عضو</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">سنت‌گرایی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">نوع‌دوستی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">اعتماد نهادی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">دینداری</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">یاسوج</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>جامعه شناسی کاربردی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-5745</Issn>
				<Volume>37</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Sociological Analysis of the Impact of Artificial Intelligence on the Social Relations of Generation Z in Isfahan</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تحلیل جامعه‎‌شناختی تأثیر هوش مصنوعی بر مناسبات اجتماعی نسل Z در اصفهان</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>25</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>48</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">30371</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jas.2026.147846.2751</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>میثم</FirstName>
					<LastName>غلامی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری جامعه‌شناسی مسائل اجتماعی ایران، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد دهاقان، دهاقان، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سید ناصر</FirstName>
					<LastName>حجازی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد دهاقان، دهاقان، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>اسماعیل</FirstName>
					<LastName>باقری</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه کامپیوتر، دانشکده فنی ومهندسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد دهاقان، دهاقان، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In recent decades, the expansion of communication technologies, the internet, and artificial intelligence has transformed traditional patterns of social life, exerting a particularly profound influence on Generation Z—namely, those born between 1995 and 2010. Having grown up in an environment deeply embedded in digital technologies, social networks, and intelligent tools, this generation organizes a significant portion of its interactions, decisions, and everyday experiences in close connection with these technologies. By personalizing communication, facilitating access to information, and shaping communicative choices, artificial intelligence can play an influential role in redefining the social interactions, roles, and communicative practices of Generation Z. Despite the expansion of virtual interactions, face-to-face communication continues to be essential for fostering empathy, trust, and stable social bonds. Accordingly, Generation Z occupies a dual position situated between in-person communication and technology-mediated interaction. This condition assumes particular significance in the city of Isfahan, which represents a cultural and urban field with a rich historical background and deeply rooted social traditions. On this basis, the central problem of the present study was to examine how and to what extent artificial intelligence affects the social relations of Generation Z in Isfahan.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present study was conducted using a quantitative approach and a survey method. In terms of temporal dimension, it was a cross-sectional study; in terms of purpose, it was applied; and in terms of breadth and depth of investigation, it fell within the category of broad-based research. The statistical population consisted of Generation Z residents of the city of Isfahan defined according to Turner as those born between 1995 and 2010. Based on data from the 2016 national census, the population of this group in Isfahan was estimated at 451,038 individuals. The sample size was determined as 340 respondents by using Sample Power software, taking into account the statistical requirements of the research model. A quota sampling method was employed proportional to the size of the statistical population with quotas distributed according to age–gender groups and residential area across the fifteen municipal districts of Isfahan. Data were collected using a researcher-developed questionnaire, the items of which were designed based on the theoretical foundations of the study and the dimensions of the main variables—namely, artificial intelligence, social interaction, and social roles. The reliability of the instrument was assessed using Cronbach&#039;s alpha coefficient. Finally, the data were analyzed at both descriptive and inferential levels using SPSS and AMOS software.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The findings of the study indicated that artificial intelligence played a significant role in the social relations of Generation Z in the city of Isfahan. However, this role could not be understood merely in terms of the instrumental use of technology. The results showed that the mean score of social interaction among Generation Z was lower than the theoretical mean, suggesting a relative weakness in the quality, cohesion, and depth of this generation&#039;s social relations. This finding might reflect the dual condition of Generation Z: on the one hand, this generation lived within digital, rapid, extensive, and platform-based forms of communication; on the other hand, it still required face-to-face, emotional, and in-person interactions for the formation of trust, empathy, and stable social bonds. In contrast, the mean score of social roles being higher than the theoretical level indicated that, despite changes in communicative patterns, Generation Z possessed a relatively favorable awareness of family, professional, academic, and social roles and was capable of enacting these roles across different contexts of everyday life. This result is consistent with Giddens&#039;s view of reflexive identity and social roles in late modernity. Generation Z did not perceive or enact its roles as fixed and traditionally determined; rather, it redefined them in relation to changing conditions, individual choices, and technological possibilities. Furthermore, the lower mean score of the artificial intelligence variable compared with the theoretical mean suggested that, although this technology was present in the lives of Generation Z, levels of awareness, perception, acceptance, and trust regarding it had not yet become fully established. Therefore, the impact of artificial intelligence on the social relations of this generation did not necessarily imply the complete dominance of technology over human relations. Rather, it pointed to an emerging process, through which intelligent technologies were gradually being incorporated into patterns of interaction, decision-making, and enactment of social roles. The results of structural equation modeling further revealed that artificial intelligence explained a considerable proportion of the variance in both social interaction and social roles. This finding confirmed that, in the contemporary social context, artificial intelligence was not merely a technical tool; rather, it had become a social, cultural, and communicative factor capable of reconfiguring modes of communication, processes of meaning-making within social relations, and patterns of role enactment. Overall, it could be concluded that the social relations of Generation Z in Isfahan were situated at the intersection of cultural traditions, face-to-face interactions, and intelligent technologies. Accordingly, a sociological understanding of these relations required simultaneous attention to both the communicative opportunities offered by artificial intelligence and its potential consequences for the quality of human relationships, social cohesion, and intergenerational gaps.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">مناسبات اجتماعی به‌عنوان سازوکار اصلی پیوند میان فرد و جامعه، نقشی اساسی در معنا‌بخشی به کنش‌های انسانی ایفا می‌کند.&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;هدف پژوهش، تبیین نقش هوش مصنوعی در بازآرایی الگوهای کنش متقابل و ایفای نقش‌های اجتماعی نسل زد در بستر فرهنگی&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;_&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;شهری اصفهان است&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;.&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;پژوهش حاضر ازنظر روش، پیمایشی، ازحیث زمان، مقطعی، ازنظر هدف، کاربردی و ازلحاظ گستره، پهنانگر است. جامعۀ آماری شامل ۴۵۱۰۳۸ نفر از نسل زد ساکن شهر اصفهان در سال ۱۴۰۴ بوده که حجم نمونه ۳۴۰ نفر تعیین و به روش نمونه‌گیری سهمیه‌ای متناسب با حجم جامعه انتخاب شد. ابزار گردآوری داده‌ها پرسش‌نامه بوده است که روایی محتوای آن در سطح قابل‌قبولی ارزیابی و پایایی ابزار با استفاده از ضریب آلفای کرونباخ سنجش شد. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که میانگین «کنش متقابل» (76/61) کمتر از مقدار نظری موردانتظار است که بیانگر ضعف نسبی در کیفیت و انسجام مناسبات اجتماعی نسل زد است؛ درحالی‌که میانگین «نقش‌های اجتماعی» (13/55) بیشتر از سطح نظری قرار دارد و نشان‌دهندۀ آگاهی و ایفای مناسب نقش‌های اجتماعی است. همچنین میانگین متغیر «هوش مصنوعی» (76/93) کمتر از حد نظری ارزیابی شد. نتایج تحلیل مدل معادلات ساختاری نیز بیانگر آن است که هوش مصنوعی به ترتیب 38% و 41% از واریانس کنش متقابل و نقش‌های اجتماعی را تبیین می‎‌کند.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">هوش مصنوعی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">نسل زد</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">نقش اجتماعی</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jas.ui.ac.ir/article_30371_15a31ebcc2e17bddf2c32a553335e96f.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>جامعه شناسی کاربردی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-5745</Issn>
				<Volume>37</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Formative Fluidity: A Contextual Exploration of Ekīp Identity among Youth in the City of Yazd</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>سیالیت تکوینی، مطالعه‌ای کیفی از هویت اکیپی در میان جوانان شهر یزد</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>49</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>72</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">30405</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jas.2026.147847.2752</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>بهار</FirstName>
					<LastName>امینی لاری</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری جامعه‌شناسی اقتصادی و توسعه، دانشکده علوم‌اجتماعی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>علی</FirstName>
					<LastName>روحانی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشیار، گروه جامعه‌شناسی دانشکدۀ علوم‌اجتماعی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>فریبا</FirstName>
					<LastName>صدیقی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار، گروه جمعیت‌شناسی-مردم شناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم‌اجتماعی، دانشگاه یزد، یزد، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
The present study focused on the phenomenon of &quot;ekip life&quot; among young people in the city of Yazd and sought to understand how ekip identity was formed, as well as how it shaped the individual and collective experiences of youth. Although friendship groups have always existed in human societies, in recent years—particularly within the context of cultural, social, generational, and communicative transformations—a new form of friendship has emerged among young people, which this article referred to as &quot;ekip&quot;. An ekip is not merely a simple circle of friends; rather, it is a dynamic, fluid, and multilayered social field, in which young people experience, redefine, and reconstruct their relationships, values, identities, roles, and lifestyles. The central problem of this article was to examine how ekip identity was formed among young people in Yazd and identify the factors contributing to its formation, transformation, continuity, or collapse. The authors demonstrated that while ekips provide opportunities for belonging, intimacy, support, interaction, and shared experiences, they are also characterized by internal instability. Ekip relationships are often not based on fixed boundaries, stable commitments, or formal structures. Instead, they are shaped through flexible, elective, emotional, and sometimes fragile bonds. Consequently, ekip identity is not a fixed or predetermined identity; rather, it is gradually constructed through everyday interactions, cultural encounters, collective goals, class differences, gender relations, and shared experiences. The significance of this study lay in the fact that the existing literature had mostly focused on friendship, the quality of friendship relations, or peer groups, while paying limited attention to ekip as an independent social phenomenon. Accordingly, this article attempted to examine ekip not merely as a form of friendship, but as an emerging mode of youth life, communicative action, everyday resistance, and a field of identity formation.
 
&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
This study was conducted using a qualitative approach within an interpretive paradigm. Since the aim of the research was to gain an in-depth understanding of the meanings, experiences, and interpretations of young people regarding ekip life, the authors employed the systematic grounded theory method. This approach allowed theory to emerge not from pre-existing assumptions, but from field data and the lived experiences of participants. Data were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews. Participants included 25 young people from the city of Yazd, who had experience of membership in friendship ekips. They were selected through purposive and theoretical sampling in order to capture a diverse range of ekip experiences. The inclusion criteria consisted of having at least one year of experience in ekip life, membership in a group with at least 4 members, and awareness of one&#039;s position as an ekip member. Participants were between 20 and 30 years old and varied in terms of gender, occupation, educational background, and length of ekip membership. The interview process continued until theoretical saturation was reached—that is, until new interviews no longer generated additional concepts or categories. Interviews were conducted in settings, such as universities, cafés, co-working spaces, and green areas, with each interview lasting between 30 minutes and 2 and a half hours. Data analysis was carried out simultaneously with data collection; in other words, the findings from each interview helped guide the focus of subsequent interviews. Data were analyzed through 3 stages of coding: open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. In the open coding stage, interview texts were examined line by line, and initial concepts were extracted. In the axial coding stage, similar concepts were organized into subcategories and main categories. Finally, in the selective coding stage, the main categories were integrated around a core category. This analytical process resulted in the extraction of 698 concepts, 47 subcategories, and 14 main categories, which ultimately led to the identification of the core category: &quot;ekip identity: formative fluidity&quot;.
 
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
The findings of the study indicated that ekip life among young people was a multidimensional, unstable, transformative, and yet meaningful experience. The most important conclusion of the research was that ekip identity was not a fixed identity, but rather an identity in the process of becoming. This identity was shaped over time through members&#039; interactions, evolving goals, the entry and exit of individuals, value encounters, gender and class differences, and shared experiences. One of the major categories identified in the study was &quot;relational fluidity&quot;. Ekips often began with a group of friends, but their membership composition changed over time. Some individuals left, new members entered, and sometimes the ekip split into smaller groups. This fluidity, on the one hand, provided young people with freedom and the possibility of choice; on the other hand, it might create a sense of instability, lack of belonging, and identity uncertainty.
Another important category was the &quot;emergent phenomenon&quot; of the ekip. The article showed that the ekip was still a phenomenon in the process of being normalized within Iranian society and, for this reason, faced misunderstandings, cultural judgments, and social resistance. From the perspective of young people, ekips were spaces for friendship, experience, support, and self‑expression. However, from the perspective of some segments of society, they might be perceived as unstable, informal, or even threatening.
The findings also showed that ekips were formed through specific &quot;processes of formation&quot;. These processes included the development of common goals, gradual transformation of those goals, merging of ekips, creation of subgroups, and even fragmentation caused by differences in objectives. Therefore, an ekip was not a complete and pre‑existing structure; rather, it was constructed and reconstructed over time.
Another significant finding concerned the tension between individual life and ekip life. While young people were interested in participating in ekips, they had to balance their personal, family, educational, or occupational responsibilities with their ekip relationships. This balance was inherently unstable and might be disrupted by personal problems or changing life priorities. The article further demonstrated that ekips provided a context for value and behavioral convergence. Through everyday interaction, shared language, common experiences, and generational proximity, members developed mutual understanding. At the same time, ekips might also produce conformity, suppress certain individual thoughts, and encourage obedience to reference figures. Some members gained a central position due to charisma, experience, appearance, social status, or symbolic power, thereby influencing group decisions and lifestyles.
Another important finding was the role of ekips in identity encounters. The ekip was a space in which individuals navigated between their real self, performative self, and ideal self. Some individuals felt more comfortable expressing their real selves within the ekip, while others attempted to present a more desirable image of themselves. For this reason, the ekip could function both as a site of self‑knowledge and personal growth and as a space of pressure to conform to group expectations. The results also pointed to the de‑gendering and stereotype‑disrupting functions of ekips. Participation in diverse ekips exposed young people to individuals from different genders, classes, cultures, and lifestyles, encouraging them to reconsider some of their prior assumptions. In this sense, the ekip could serve as a space for reducing stereotypes, increasing flexibility, and expanding social experience.
In conclusion, the study argued that the ekip was not a fixed group, but rather a fluid field for redefining identity, relationships, and belonging. Ekip identity was formed through instability, interaction, difference, resistance, and everyday experiences. Therefore, the concept of &quot;formative fluidity&quot; effectively captured the idea that the ekip is always in the process of formation, and that young people&#039;s identities within it are constructed gradually, relationally, and in unstable ways.
 </Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">گروه‌های دوستی از دیرباز در جوامع وجود داشته‌اند؛ اما در بستر تحولات فرهنگی و اجتماعی، امروزه زندگی اکیپی به‌عنوان یکی از اشکال دوستی و به‌مثابه یکی از پدیده‌های نوظهور در زیست جوانان مطرح شده است. مسئلۀ اصلی پژوهش حاضر فهم چگونگی شکل‌گیری هویت اکیپی در میان جوانان یزدی است؛ بر این اساس مطالعۀ حاضر با استفاده از پارادایم تفسیری، رویکرد کیفی و با روش نظریۀ زمینه‌ای سیستماتیک انجام شده است. داده‌های این مطالعه ازطریق مصاحبه‌های عمیق گردآوری شده است؛ به این منظور، 25 نفر از جوانان عضو اکیپ‌‎ها در شهر یزد با نمونه‌گیری نظری و هدفمند انتخاب شده و در این زمینه با آنها مصاحبه‌های عمیق صورت گرفته است. فرایند نمونه‌گیری تا مرحلۀ اشباع داده‌ها ادامه پیدا کرده و داده‌های گردآوری‌شده با استفاده از کدگذاری باز، محوری و گزینشی تحلیل شده‌ است. در این مسیر یافته‌های مطالعۀ حاضر در قالب 14 مقولۀ اصلی ازجمله 1. سیالیت روابط، 2. پدیدۀ نوظهور، 3. فرایندهای تکوین اکیپ، 4. تعادل ناپایدار بین زندگی فردی و اکیپ، 5. همگرایی ارزشی _ رفتاری، و 6. کارکردهای جنسیت‌زدایانه پدیدار شده‌اند. مقوله‌های ذکرشده درنهایت مقولۀ هستۀ «هویت اکیپی: سیالیت تکوینی» را ساختند؛ درنهایت باتوجه‌به یافته‌ها و مقولات برساخت‌شده، مدل پارادایمی و نظریۀ تجربی مطالعه تدوین و ارائه شد. یافته‌های این پژوهش روشن ساخت که تجربۀ زندگی اکیپی با فراز و نشیب‌های زیادی همراه است. درواقع فرایند هویت‌یابی جوانان در اکیپ‌ها، فرایندی سیال است که در بستر برخوردهای فرهنگی، اهداف جمعی، تعاملات گروهی، روابط کلیشه‌زدا و تکامل تدریجی اکیپ‌ها شکل می‌گیرد؛ ازاین‌رو برایند این مقولات نشان داد که اکیپ نه ساختاری ثابت، میدانی سیال است که در آن جوانان هویت خود و روابط با دیگران را بازتعریف می‌کنند.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>جامعه شناسی کاربردی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-5745</Issn>
				<Volume>37</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Lived Experience of Mothers with Substance Use Disorder (from Pregnancy to Infancy): A Phenomenological Study in Social Work</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تجربۀ زیستۀ مادران با اختلال مصرف مواد (در دورۀ بارداری تا نوپایی فرزند): مطالعه‌ای پدیدارشناختی در مددکاری اجتماعی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>73</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>102</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">30462</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jas.2026.148128.2759</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>فاطمه</FirstName>
					<LastName>جعفری</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار، گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مریم</FirstName>
					<LastName>شعبان</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار، پژوهشکدۀ مطالعات اجتماعی، مطالعات فرهنگی، اجتماعی و تمدنی وزارت علوم، تحقیقات و فناوری، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>زهرا</FirstName>
					<LastName>ماهر</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار، گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
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				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Substance Use Disorder (SUD) among pregnant women and mothers of young children has emerged as a significant public health and social concern globally. Its importance stems not only from the health impacts on both mother and child, but also from its intergenerational effects. International studies indicate that women&#039;s experiences with SUD during pregnancy frequently co-occur with domestic violence, mental health issues, unstable housing, and fears of stigma and child removal. In Iran, although research on women&#039;s substance use is increasing, most studies have focused on general addiction experiences with limited attention given to pregnant women or mothers raising young children. There is a notable lack of understanding regarding mothers who manage pregnancy or infant care while coping with SUD, particularly within the complex urban environment of Tehran. From a social work perspective, theoretical frameworks—including Bronfenbrenner&#039;s ecological model, the Person-In-Environment (PIE) perspective, the biopsychosocial model, and the strengths-based approach—underscore that SUD in these mothers cannot be fully understood without considering micro-systems (family), mezzo-systems (health services), and macro-systems (custody laws and structural inequalities). Furthermore, Iran&#039;s legal system, particularly Article 1173 of the Civil Code—which considers parental addiction as grounds for removing child custody—may intensify fears of seeking treatment. This study aimed to explore the lived experiences of pregnant women or mothers of infants and toddlers who were dealing with SUD.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research employed a qualitative method grounded in descriptive phenomenology, drawing on Husserl&#039;s philosophy. Data analysis was conducted using Colaizzi&#039;s 7-step approach, emphasizing the concept of the lifeworld and the principle of epoché (bracketing). Participants included pregnant women or mothers of infants and toddlers with SUD residing in Tehran during 2020–2021. A targeted snowball sampling strategy was used, resulting in a sample of 25 participants. Inclusion criteria were: providing informed consent, possessing the cognitive capacity to articulate personal experiences, receiving a DSM-5 diagnosis of SUD, and being either pregnant or having a child under two years of age. Initial participants were identified through social workers at organizations assisting women with SUD, including the MehrAfarín Center and the National Addiction Line. Data collection continued until theoretical saturation, which was reached at the 23&lt;sup&gt;rd&lt;/sup&gt; interview; two additional interviews were subsequently conducted for validation. Data were gathered through in-depth semi-structured interviews, each lasting an average of 90–120 minutes. Primary themes explored included the experience of motherhood in relation to SUD, self-care during pregnancy, support networks, factors contributing to substance use, and coping strategies. All interviews were audio-recorded with participants&#039; consent, transcribed verbatim, and organized for analysis. Trustworthiness was established following Lincoln and Guba&#039;s criteria: credibility was ensured through 6 months of engagement, member checking, and external auditor review; transferability was achieved through thick description; dependability was maintained via thorough documentation; and confirmability was supported by researcher self-reflection. Ethical considerations included voluntary participation, confidentiality, trauma-informed interviewing, and referral to specialized services whenever crisis indicators emerged.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results were organized into 4 primary themes. First, participants exhibited a distinct socio-cultural profile characterized by a transition from traditional lifeways to urban marginalization. This shift led to social disconnection, fatalism as a mode of meaning-making, cultural resource deficits, emotional instability, and economic and social isolation. Second, substance use was embedded within intergenerational cycles accompanied by ongoing violence, significant sexual trauma, psychological distress resulting from accumulated trauma, and self-medication driven by restricted access to formal healthcare. Third, &quot;substance use slums&quot; emerged as alternative living environments, in which intra-group solidarity functioned as a form of contradictory social capital—simultaneously aiding survival while perpetuating substance use. Inequality in access to formal services highlighted a structural gap in the healthcare and social support systems. Fourth, complex layers of exclusion contributed to the breakdown of essential support systems, perpetuation of intergenerational violence, restricted reproductive decision-making, misconceptions about the effects of substance use on unborn children, and estrangement from children—signifying a loss of maternal identity. In addition, a phenomenon of &quot;self-governed morality&quot; emerged, in which individuals distanced themselves from societal norms even after having internalized them.&lt;br /&gt;Theoretical integration revealed that Goffman&#039;s stigma theory illuminates how the label of &quot;substance-using mother&quot; becomes internalized. The strengths-based perspective recognized resilience and group solidarity as capabilities that could be further enhanced. The PIE and ecological frameworks emphasized that mothers cannot be understood in isolation from violent micro-systems, marginalized mezzo-systems, and punitive macro-systems. Implications for social work included the development of harm-reduction services, design of multi-level ecological interventions, revision of custody policies (Article 1173), investment in sexual and reproductive health education in underserved communities, and strengthening of NGO-based, strengths-oriented services. Tensions, contradictions, and layered suffering characterized the experiences of mothers with SUD. These women should not be reduced to negative labels. They are individuals who, within unequal systems marked by ongoing violence and exclusion, struggle with scarce resources to survive and find meaning. A phenomenological approach, in dialogue with social work theories, is essential for uncovering the processes that perpetuate deprivation and creating more effective and equitable interventions that promote social justice while safeguarding the rights and well-being of both mothers and children. Limitations included difficulties in accessing resources due to stigma, scheduling changes, crowded interview locations, power dynamics, and findings confined to the social context of Tehran.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">هدف این پژوهش که از منظر مددکاری اجتماعی انجام شده، فهم و توصیف تجربۀ زیستۀ مادران باردار یا دارای کودک شیرخوار و نوپا مبتلا به اختلال مصرف مواد است. این مطالعه با رویکرد کیفی و روش پدیدارشناسی توصیفی انجام شد. ۲۵ نفر از مادران دارای اختلال مصرف مواد در شهر تهران با نمونه‌گیری هدفمند و راهبرد گلوله‌برفی انتخاب شد و داده‌ها ازطریق مصاحبه‌های عمیق نیمه‌ساختاریافته گردآوری و با روش هفت‌مرحله‌ای کلایزی تحلیل گردید. یافته‌ها در قالب چهار مضمون اصلی سازمان‌دهی شد: پیکربندی درحال‌گذار اجتماعی _ فرهنگی، زمینه‌های بین‌نسلی و ساختاری گرایش به مصرف، شبکه‌های حمایتی (با تأکید بر زاغه‌های مصرف مواد) و زیست‌جهان مادرانه (شامل طردشدگی چندلایه، گسست از فرزند، فروپاشی هویت مادری و اخلاق خودسروری). بیشتر مشارکت‌کنندگان مهاجر، ساکن مناطق حاشیه‌ای و دارای سرمایۀ فرهنگی پایین بودند؛ شبکه‌های دوستی در زاغه‌های مصرف مواد مهم‌ترین منبع حمایت آنان را تشکیل می‌داد؛ درحالی‌که دسترسی به خدمات رسمی حمایتی بسیار محدود بود. یافته‌ها با بهره‌گیری از نظریۀ انگ گافمن، رویکرد نقاط قوت، رویکرد شخص در محیط، رویکرد زیستی روانی اجتماعی و رویکرد اکولوژیکی مورد بحث قرار گرفت و مدل چرخۀ محرومیت انباشتی ترسیم شد. از منظر مددکاری اجتماعی، پژوهش حاضر ضرورت مداخلات چندسطحی مبتنی بر کاهش آسیب، توانمندسازی و گذار از رویکردهای سرزنش‌محور به مداخلات ساختاری و حساس به زمینه را برجسته می‌کند. همچنین یافته‌ها به مددکاران اجتماعی یادآوری می‌کند که تجربۀ مادری در بستر اختلال مصرف مواد را نمی‌توان جدا از ساختارهای فقر، خشونت، طرد و سیاست‌های تنبیهی حضانت فهم کرد و مداخلات مؤثر نیازمند بازنگری در سیاست‌های حضانت و طراحی برنامه‌های حمایتی دوستدار مادر و کودک است.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>جامعه شناسی کاربردی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-5745</Issn>
				<Volume>37</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Reasons and Contexts for Keeping Pets in Shiraz: A Qualitative Study</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>دلایل و زمینه‌های نگهداری از حیوان خانگی در شهر شیراز؛ یک مطالعۀ کیفی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>103</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>128</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">30460</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jas.2026.147112.2718</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>ابوالفضل</FirstName>
					<LastName>کریمی</LastName>
<Affiliation>کارشناس ارشد گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه هرمزگان، بندرعباس، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>یاسر</FirstName>
					<LastName>رستگار</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشیار گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه هرمزگان، بندرعباس، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>هدایت‌اله</FirstName>
					<LastName>نیکخواه</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشیار گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه هرمزگان، بندرعباس، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;
Pet ownership is a longstanding and widespread practice. Estimates indicate that more than half of the world&#039;s population shares their living space and home with one or more pets (GfK, 2016). Pets are often perceived as assets, impulsive purchases, or toys for children. In some cases, an animal is chosen to fulfill unmet needs of adults, even when it appears to be primarily a companion for children (Jalongo, 2023). However, more significant and intentional reasons for acquiring and keeping pets likely exist. On the other hand, the challenges and drawbacks associated with the growing prevalence of this phenomenon are also noteworthy. These include zoonotic diseases (illnesses transmissible between humans and animals), high maintenance costs, unresolved legal issues, control of home environmental hygiene, animal phobias, and other concerns. Furthermore, epidemiologists caution that new zoonotic diseases are emerging and spreading across geographic regions worldwide as a result of changing human lifestyles and increased interactions with animal environments (Damborg et al., 2016; Paghasian, 2005). Ethical issues related to pet ownership have also consistently been a subject of debate (Karimian Saygalani, 2023). In recent decades, the metropolis of Shiraz has witnessed profound structural changes in citizens&#039; behavioral patterns marked by a shift toward a modern lifestyle (Iman &amp; Marhamati, 2014; Soroush &amp; Hosseini, 2013; Khojehnouri et al., 2013; Ganji et al., 2019). One of the most prominent aspects of this cultural transformation is the rapid proliferation of pet ownership across various social strata in the city. The significant increase in the number of veterinary clinics and pet shops, along with the visible presence of pet owners in the public and recreational spaces of Shiraz, indicates that pets have become a key element in redefining concepts of leisure, identity, and social status. However, this behavioral shift within the urban context of Shiraz carries a paradoxical and problematized character. Thus, the decision to keep a pet in Shiraz is not a simple act but a challenging choice situated at the boundary between social acceptance on one side and normative rejection on the other. This phenomenon exemplifies a profound cultural shift, in which animals have moved from the margins to the center of daily human life. Given the aforementioned aspects and considering the exploratory, dynamic, and multidimensional nature of this phenomenon, reliance on pre-existing models and quantitative methods cannot reveal the hidden layers of participants&#039; lifeworld. Therefore, the present study aimed to enter the field of research in Shiraz without imposing presuppositions and extract the processes, reasons, and contexts underlying the inclination toward this emerging lifestyle from the lived experiences of citizens themselves.
 
 
&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;
A qualitative method based on the grounded theory approach was selected for this research since pet ownership had rarely been examined from a sociological perspective, leaving a notable gap in the research literature. The participants of this study were pet owners residing in Shiraz. Initial field studies revealed that approximately 66 pet service stores (pet shops) were active in Shiraz. After compiling a list of store names, a brief internet search of the city map of Shiraz clearly indicated that the highest concentration of pet shops and veterinary clinics was located in Districts 1 and 6 of the city. This study employed purposive and theoretical sampling methods with sample size determined based on data saturation. Data analysis was conducted following the systematic grounded theory model proposed by Strauss and Corbin (2011), which comprised 3 stages: open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. To ensure research ethics, all participant names were recorded under pseudonyms and informed consent was obtained from each participant for audio recording and using their data for research purposes.
 
&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;
The abstraction of data regarding the contextual conditions of pet ownership yielded 3 categories: history of living with animals, economic hardship, economic barriers to childbearing, and avoidance of parental responsibilities. Furthermore, the causal conditions of pet ownership were categorized under the axial theme of &quot;searching for affection and meaning in non-human connections&quot;. Two additional categories—&quot;advisory acceptance&quot; and &quot;unexpected acceptance&quot;—were grouped under the axial theme of &quot;random or coercive acceptance&quot;, ultimately coalescing around the core category of &quot;constructing a quasi-familial relationship with the pet&quot;. The results indicated that pet owners, when confronted with prohibitions and limitations, adopted 3 main strategies: justificatory, avoidance, and evasion. Finally, the consequences of this phenomenon were identified in 4 domains: living in the moment, filling voids of power and security, communicative consequences, and psychological consequences. These findings demonstrated that pet ownership should be analyzed as part of broader socio-cultural transformations in the lifestyle of Iranian society. In conclusion, the concept of &quot;quasi-family construction&quot; introduced in this study suggested that pet ownership must be examined within a deeper context—namely, cultural shift and the axiological and semiotic transformations of lifestyle and emerging family forms in Shiraz. Analyzing this phenomenon solely through individual intentions or a purely behaviorist lens would be reductionist.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">در سال‌های اخیر نگهداری از حیوانات خانگی سبک زندگی جدیدی را رقم زده که به‌صورت چشمگیری درحال فراگیری است. هدف این پژوهش، مطالعۀ دلایل و زمینه‌های نگهداری از حیوان خانگی در شهر شیراز است که با روش کیفی مبتنی بر رویکرد نظریۀ زمینه‌ای به کمک کدگذاری سه‌مرحله‌ای رهیافت استراوس و کوربین(1390) انجام شده است. داده‌ها ازطریق مصاحبۀ عمیق، با روش‌های نمونه‌گیری هدفمند و نظری از ۱۶ نفر از سرپرستان حیوانات خانگی به دست آمده است. حاصل انتزاع داده‌ها دربارۀ شرایط زمینه‌ای نگهداری از حیوانات خانگی سه مقولۀ سابقۀ زیست با حیوانات، تنگنای معیشتی، بازدارندگی اقتصادی در تمایل به فرزندآوری و گریز از مسئولیت‌های تربیتی فرزند بود. همچنین شرایط علّی نگهداری از حیوانات خانگی ذیل مقولۀ محوری جست‌وجوی مهر و معنا در پیوندهای غیرانسانی و دو مقولۀ پذیرش توصیه‌گرایانه و پذیرش غیرمنتظره ذیل مقولۀ محوری پذیرش تصادفی/تحمیلی دسته بندی شد که درنهایت حول محور مقولۀ هسته «برساخت رابطۀ شبه‌خانوادگی با حیوان خانگی» انتزاع گردید. نتایج این پژوهش نشان داد که سرپرستان حیوانات خانگی در مواجهه با ممنوعیت‌ها و محدودیت‌ها سه راهبرد اصلی را در پیش می‌گیرند: راهبرد توجیهی، تعویقی و گریز؛ درنهایت، پیامدهای این پدیده در چهار حوزه شناسایی شد: در لحظه‌ زندگی‌کردن، پرشدن خلأ قدرت و امنیت، پیامدهای ارتباطی و پیامدهای روان‌شناختی. این یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که نگهداری از حیوانات خانگی را می‌بایست ذیل بخشی از تحولات اجتماعی _ فرهنگی وسیع‌تر در سبک زندگی جامعۀ ایرانی تحلیل کرد.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه اصفهان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>جامعه شناسی کاربردی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2008-5745</Issn>
				<Volume>37</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2026</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Socio-Psychological Factors Affecting the Tendency towards Superstition (Case Study of Citizens Aged 15 Years and Older in District 15 of Tehran Municipality)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>عوامل اجتماعی _ روانی مؤثر بر گرایش به خرافه‌گرایی (مورد مطالعه شهروندان 15 سال به بالای منطقۀ 15 تهران)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>129</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>162</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">30430</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22108/jas.2026.147249.2723</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>زهرا</FirstName>
					<LastName>طاهری</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار، گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم‌اجتماعی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام‌خمینی(ره)، قزوین، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>کوثر</FirstName>
					<LastName>حبیبی تمیجانی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد پژوهش علوم اجتماعی، دانشکده علوم‌اجتماعی و اقتصاد، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>28</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The tendency towards superstition is a highly debated issue, the presence of which in society cannot be denied. Every culture harbors irrational beliefs related to warding off evil, attracting good fortune, or predicting the future. Over time, many of these superstitious beliefs have evolved; yet, they have neither disappeared completely nor are they likely to ever do so. In our country, the inclination towards superstitious beliefs has deep historical roots and has been widely prevalent since ancient times. Although most incidents and problems today can be addressed through a scientific approach, some individuals continue to cling to superstitions and transmit them to the next generation through processes of socialization and cultural internalization. This reality underscores the importance and necessity of research in this area, which should be conducted at various levels—whether local, regional, or national. This study aimed to explore and examine the roles of social and psychological factors contributing to the tendency towards superstition among citizens of Tehran.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Materials &amp; Methods&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research employed a survey-based data collection method. In terms of objective, it was applied; in terms of depth, it was broad. The unit of analysis was the individual and the level of analysis was micro. Data analysis was performed using Amos23 and SPSS26 software. The study was conducted in District 15 of Tehran. The statistical population consisted of all citizens aged 15 years and older. A combination of random and accessible sampling methods was used, yielding a sample size of 284 individuals, which was calculated based on the Cochran formula. A researcher-made questionnaire was developed following the identification of relevant indicators for the research variables and the design of items. The face validity of the questionnaire was confirmed through expert judgment (i.e., reviewing and evaluating the questions based on feedback from expert judges) and its reliability was established by using Cronbach&#039;s alpha coefficient.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion of Results &amp; Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results provided a clear picture of the multifaceted and deep socio-psychological roots of superstition.&lt;br /&gt;In examining the hypotheses, no relationship was found between the tendency towards superstition and the variables of religiosity (inspired by Malinowski&#039;s view) or modernity (Eisenstadt&#039;s view). This contrasted with previous studies that had identified religiosity and modernity as factors influencing the tendency—or lacked thereof—towards superstition. However, a positive and significant relationship was found between the level of tendency towards superstition and the following variables: fatalism (Rogers and Inkeles); level of feeling of insecurity (Malinowski, Inglehart, Jung and Freud, Maslow); level of anxiety (Malinowski and Wilson); and level of failure (Maslow, Jung and Freud). These findings are consistent with existing research related to each variable.&lt;br /&gt;Additional results of this study included a greater tendency towards superstition among women, a greater average difference among older individuals, a greater tendency among less educated people, and a greater tendency among low-income individuals.&lt;br /&gt;Considering the overall results of the research, 3 key principles had to be emphasized:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;a) The prevalence of fatalism: This acts as an obstacle to mental development and is a primary driver of superstition, serving as a defense mechanism for individuals who turn to metaphysical forces in the face of uncertainties and an inability to manage life.&lt;br /&gt;b) The deterrent effect of conscious religiosity and the separation of religion from superstition: When religiosity is rooted in awareness, study, and reasoning, it becomes a strong defensive shield against illusions.&lt;br /&gt;c) Existence of gender inequality and psychological vulnerability: Rooted in structural and social differences, psychological and emotional pressures, fewer opportunities, and socio-economic isolation can lead individuals to resort to metaphysical explanations for problem-solving.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">خرافه‌گرایی به‌عنوان بخشی از زندگی بشر از ابتدا تاکنون با وی همراه بوده است. در هر عصری این گرایش به اشکال متفاوت خود را نشان داده است و عوامل متعددی بر شدت و حدت آن اثرگذار بوده است. خرافه‌گرایی پدیده‌ای دیرینه و چندوجهی است که در جوامع معاصر باوجود پیشرفت‌های علمی، همچنان به حیات خود ادامه می‌دهد. این مقاله برآن است که با مرور پیشینه و نظریه‌های مرتبط با این حوزه، عوامل اجتماعی و روانی مؤثر بر آن را شناسایی و در بین نمونه‌‌ای از شهروندان تهرانی بررسی کند. پژوهش حاضر به‌صورت پیمایشی، در بین 284 نفر از شهروندان منطقۀ 15 تهران صورت گرفته است. روش نمونه‌گیری تصادفی و تجزیه‌وتحلیل داده‌ها با استفاده از نرم‌افزار Amos&lt;sub&gt;23&lt;/sub&gt;و SPSS&lt;sub&gt;26&lt;/sub&gt; است. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که رابطۀ میزان گرایش به خرافه‌گرایی با عوامل اجتماعی (شامل دینداری، تقدیرگرایی و نوگرایی) (با متغیر تقدیرگرایی معنادار و مستقیم و متغیرهای دینداری و نوگرایی بدون رابطۀ معنادار) به دست آمد و با مجموع عوامل روانی (شامل اضطراب، ناکامی و احساس ناامنی) همۀ این متغیرها ارتباط مستقیم و معنادار به دست آمد. برحسب گرایش به خرافه‌گرایی در بین متغیرهای زمینه‌ای (جنس، گروه‌های سنی، تحصیلات و درآمد)، نمرۀ میانگین زنان بیشتر مردان، نمرۀ میانگین بیشتر به کمتر در بین بیوه، مجرد و متأهل‌ها، نمرۀ میانگین بیشتر افراد مسن‌تر در مقایسه با جوان‌ترها، نمرۀ میانگین بیشتر کم‌سوادان در مقایسه با باسوادترها و نمرۀ میانگین بیشتر کم‌درآمدها در مقایسه با پردرآمدها به دست آمده است.در بررسی مدل رگرسیونی از بین متغیرهای مستقل، متغیر احساس ناامنی و جنسیت بیشترین تأثیر و با اثر مستقیم و به ترتیب متغیرهای اضطراب (اثر غیرمستقیم)، تقدیرگرایی (اثر مستقیم)، تحصیلات (اثر غیرمستقیم)، نوگرایی (اثر مستقیم)، سن (اثر مستقیم)، میزان ساعات استفاده از فضای مجازی (اثر مستقیم) و درآمد (اثر غیرمستقیم)، در تبیین متغیر وابسته نقش داشته‌اند. همچنین در مدل معادلۀ ساختاری نیز، اثرگذاری عوامل اجتماعی بر گرایش به خرافه‌گرایی بیشتر از عوامل روانی بود.</OtherAbstract>
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